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With the approaching Christmas we remember all that our store offers Fashion Viale Risorgimento, 106 is still open. It will be also throughout the next week. Take advantage of the last remnants of time to buy gifts for your friends and family!! You can visit us in person or visit our websites on the side.

cooperation activities are, however, all more active than ever, is the project that the Fund Hosts Web Radio Network 180, the voice of those who hear voices.

also pleased to report that the Mantua Community Foundation has approved our project entitled "On the way the autonomy of people with mental health problems" and has contributed a grant of 10,000 euro!



Best wishes to all for these holidays

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Collection Christmas Collection Christmas

With the approach of winter comes in addition to PVC bags also pendants and brooches Hi-Tech made with recycled material from the scrapping of old computers and other material bitDownloader. You can see all the pictures below and please do not hesitate to call us!



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COME IN STORE!!

Blueprint Kid Playsets

With the approach of winter comes in addition to PVC bags also pendants and brooches Hi-Tech made with recycled material from the scrapping of old computers and other material bitDownloader. You can see all the pictures below and for please do not hesitate to call us!

COME IN STORE!!

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The workshop inaugurates the new collection

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SUZZARA MEETING - October 21

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RAINS

raining and when it rains Fund Hosts is hard to cut the grass or doing work outside ... However, we take advantage to repaint the interior, particularly the interior columns of a beautiful blue. Then we will see the photos!

meantime we are preparing a small little party ...

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Here we are again with some pictures

As the title suggests, we're back to update the blog. Between the confusion of the literature festival, the need to redo the bags that were already finished on Saturday, the marriage of any of us then went away on holiday, keeping passwords for sites ...

Well then, now it does not matter, what matters is that we're here, we are writing again and despite the usual ups and downs the blog, blogs take up to update you on what's going on.

The literature festival is now behind us, we sell lots of bags, we had excellent cooperation with the network 180 and many people have followed us, seen, photographed, talked ...

We feel a bit 'less alone.

Belle photo you can see a very beautiful moment of our days in the recycling. A concert of only recycled instruments. Incredible!

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We are all at the festival

What can be said and what they can give the so-called waste? The black sheep, be they people or things in that way they can change their destiny and find a new life, becoming Cavalli Azzurri.? E 'on the wire network 180 of this issue that the voice she hears the voices of those who will lead his special Festivaletteratura 2010, while the Atelier Depression is present the new fashion collection in Mantua bag, with its three lines: Heritage , Reading Festival, Kilometro 0 Together with the Day Centre service for Psychiatry in Mantova Viadana and host the Blue Horse by definition. Marco Cavallo, the horse that came out of the insane asylum and Basaglia Trieste in procession through the city, and we connect with Ascanio Celestini, who presented the film The Black Sheep at the Venice Film Festival. If network 180 will ask tell us what the Black Sheep, Depression is fashion will give a demonstration of the qualities that can give items to landfill. Network 180 and depressions is fashion will be present for the duration of the Festival Lungorio IV Novembre. From 9.59 to 19 will be running the open studio radio, which broadcast the programs, direct interviews. All days will begin with the news of the day. Program 2 minutes to end at 10.01 and will be replicated at any time. The study will serve as a reference point for the network of collaborators around the 180 Festival and the writers who spent visiting. On this occasion, Network 180 also proposes an experiment in participatory communication. I partecipanti agli eventi del Festival sono invitati a trasformarsi in cittadini/reporter. Per esempio potranno venire allo studio e trasmettere un servizio relativo all’evento cui hanno partecipato, oppure se hanno un telefono che registra o un registratore raccogliere commenti o provare ad intervistare, per conto di Rete 180, il loro autore preferito. L’esperimento sarà riuscito se avremo raccolto almeno 100 servizi radiofonici da altrettanti partecipanti agli eventi. Ogni giorno abbiamo inoltre previsto degli appuntamenti speciali : Mercoledì 8 alle 17,30 inaugureremo le installazioni e brinderemo con gli amici e le autorità che vorranno stare con noi. Sarà presente Peppe Dell’Acqua, direttore del Dipartimento Salute Mentale di Trieste. Some reading will give us a sense of the presence of Marco Cavallo. The question that we will do the participants is as follows: Basaglia like much, but only on TV? "We will then at the tent where the 19 Sordello Peppe Dell'Acqua and Luciano Comida will speak on" Meeting the Challenge of Schizophrenia "Thursday, 9 to 17" Recycle "we'll talk with experts and readers. Participants Aldo De Poli, professor of the Faculty of Architecture, University of Parma and Giorgio Rebusco, the environment commissioner of the Province of Mantua. It will be an opportunity to present the collection in Mantua bag. Friday, 10 to 15 will be held on regular meeting of the enlarged drawing Network 180, the weekly talk show, which began in November 2003 and never stopped for any reason. The theme of the week could be the Black Sheep and Horses Azzurri, but surprises are always around the corner of the commentators Network 180. From 16.30 to ask why some psychiatrists and write what they write. There will be Enrico Baraldi, Alessandro Sbarbada author of "Wine and hoaxes Stampa Alternativa 2010; Benevelli Louis, author of" The Italian colonial psychiatry in the years of the "Argo, 2010; George Callea, author Domenico Castronuovo," The invisible work "2010 Shadow Court, John Smith, author of" The Prisoner's Dilemma, "Papers 180 Network, 2010. Saturday 11 am .... Opens on civic journalism course at the School of radio communication network 180 with the participation of Radio Aut and Giovanni Impastato. Follow, anticipate the meeting a performance by the Parties Inverse Sunday 12 to 15 will be inaugurated on radio conversations during the School of Communication's radio network 180. Massimo Cirri, the popular conductor of Caterpillar will produce radio conduction in both solo and in pairs, interview and conduct a wide debate. We will continue with a concert emblematic of the valance band "Miatralvia" playing instruments made entirely from materials "discarded". These meetings will additional service providers and, therefore, advise you to check program updates both on the site www.rete180.it that at the open studio of Lungorio IV Novembre.

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Today we do not have pictures of the bottom wafers but the work continues ...

This means a lot to us.

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Pd e Coop, cosa c’è dietro le baruffe d’agosto

There is a lightness imponderable in this scuffle Bologna who opposes the Democratic Party to the Coop. Pressed individuals were at work as a undeciphered claustrophobia and for this endeavor in every way to leave the place that unites them. The object of the dispute is unclear. You can see the Coop that flaunt desertion (uniquely) by a known party, claimed in the name of autonomy, however, that it is not clear by whom and where it is threatened. It's rumored that the immediate cause of so much loud despite having to do with the lack of respect reserved for the Democratic Party to Sita: a prestigious chief co-operative that would see retired well as mayoral candidate. It 'easy to see that if things were really so we would be facing not an injured party's autonomy, but to a claim of co-op in a direct way to influence policy. A reversal of roles literally sensational. In the past, the golden era of the insulted 'transmission belt', was in fact the party that appointed the directors of the Coop, but rather the coop here would want to appoint the Mayor. Party (PD) weak, strong Coop. Better: 'arrogant', exceeding the physiological and social economic power of lobbying.

only fault of this unprecedented hubris of the coop, then? Perhaps the story is a little more complex, and here we would like to give some light, citing data and contexts to which litigants seem to forget negligently. Look at these two figures, taken from a ponderosa survey research (7,000 interviews) conducted in 2008 by Medec on political participation in the districts of Bologna.

The first figure shows the organizations that have chosen to indicate how, in the course of the year for their participation. The card 'member cooperatives', unlike any credit card, gives a sense of belonging and identity. You notice it the absolute primacy of consumer cooperatives (23%), and to follow the deep roots of the trade unions (13.6%), as part of a holding with large forms and articulated, that overall, involving almost half of citizens.

Figure No.1: Members or participants (in the year, in%) associations. Multiple answers were possible. Source: Medec 2008. (Click image for enlarged view) The second figure

measure trust (measured in votes) devoted to different subjects: economic, social, moral and institutional. Here we see the absolute primacy of the consumer cooperatives. As many as 73 people to 100 (with only 16 in an adverse position, or rejection) give the coop a vote of promoting, among other things with a huge significance of the high grades (7 to 10). Below are the multi-utility services (Hera, ATC, etc..) With 65.6% of promotions, and immediately behind the small imprese con il 62,3. A stretto tallonamento il comune di Bologna si classifica buon quarto con il 60,2 delle promozioni. A seguire il resto. Questa graduatoria conferma la peculiarità storica della società bolognese, centrata su un triangolo fiduciario assai forte (e stando ai dati per nulla scalfito): le coop (ovvero l’economia sociale), le piccole imprese (cioè il protagonismo imprenditoriale diffuso), le istituzioni locali (Comune e multiutility) a rappresentare il Welfare locale e la politica.



Figura n.2: Voti tributati ad alcuni soggetti economico-sociali, morali e istituzionali (voti da 1 a 10, in % sul complesso degli intervistati. Fonte MeDeC 2008). (cliccare sull'immagine per visionarla ingrandita)

These figures tell us what has supported the participation and membership is recognized by the people as the 'Emilian model' and, within it the leading role assigned to co-ops (especially those worn down vehicle real-world image cooperative). In a historic moment, as is known, and in a country (Italy), in which many bonds tend to trust berserk!

But what supports this 'model' integrating the different parts? Considering all the possible variables of influence, we find that there is one able to explain by itself the entire system of relations. And 'the autocollocazione policy to the left of the respondents, namely the 'political culture' filed in a particular area, however broad, of the population. The following box provides a stylization of these empirical determinations. There is a strong interaction between the participation in associations and trust in the institutions of the 'Emilian model'. Trust in institutions is also interlinked with the 'trust in others', ie the opening of solidarity towards others. But it is being left to the trust that supports both participation, integrating the various parts of the model. Perhaps the party, the coop (so-called 'red in particular), but also the trade unions (CGIL, in first of all) have forgotten. But in the perception of people trample the same ground. There are anchored by the 'political culture' that still dwells in the population. From there, the PD takes most of his votes, and the prestige enjoyed by coop (along with an extensive clientele that participant). It is doubtful if the permanent abandonment of ancestral land in search of intriguing new clientele will bring luck, is the Democratic Party than to the coop. It 's true that there are other worlds (and forms of participation) which can not be neglected, although they are often a critical relationship with the' historical model '. Just as it is true that there is also the right people who do not despise the coop. But that company would be crazy to earn a share of marginal customers neo-ruining (or leads to disaffection) a much larger crowd that is identified with the brand.

Figure # 3: The "Emilia model". (Click image for enlarged view)

Yet hainoi!, This unfortunate inclination seems widespread. The Democratic Party was born in 'the realm of politics', abstracting programmatically by social actors in which were historically innervated the leftist forces. Or, which is the same thing, putting all the social worlds in the same subject equidistance. He renounced that to define their own contacts and renewed methods the social roots. A party totus politicus. And the results are good! The Coop, as is their responsibility (for a thorough review by ad hoc) have moved in exactly the mirror. In the name of 'autonomy' proclaimed at every turn are also slowly (but also with some jumps) in a dimension in which all parties are placed at similar spacing. As the party is inclined to ignore their social contacts, so the coop behave with respect to 'political reference'. Sure we need new ways of relating, not being able to resurrect the old. But the relationship! Not strangeness. That is updated forms of 'community' as people want and in his naive generosity, still imagines it to be. Without which the common ground is sfarinerà, and stakeholders will remain hanging on nothing, each lost in his own benefit. Ungrounded from the old world, and unable to define the new. Barney in the beginning are the symptom of a neurosis. That is an unsolved problem. Which has the same center, even if everyone looks at him on his side. If this ridiculous and futile controversy Agostani become an excuse to open up minds freed by the heat and confusion of this debate, then it will come something unexpectedly useful. The PD should invite the co-op at the Festival, and the Coop should participate in mass (the red but also white). Ma per parlare esattamente di questo. Di fronte alla generosa giuria del ‘popolo della festa’. A seguire: i sindacati (con la Cgil in testa), l’arci, le bocciofile, i bar, le società sportive…. Il popolo che avanza, dall’ingresso di Via Stalingrado, come nel celeberrimo Pellizza da Volpedo.

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Continued progress in Fund Hosts

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Il gioco delle tre carte

Richiamo, per chi lo desideri, l'indirizzo delle mie discusse considerazioni pubblicate sul sito della Dire http://www.dire.it/DIRE-EMILIA-ROMAGNA/sondaggio_a.php?c=33265&m=14&l=it



e sviluppo alcuni chiarimenti.



Riassumo la discussione ferragostana sull’apertura al ‘centro’. Non prima di Clarification.

The estimated contribution of the followers of Guazzaloca a center-left had not expanded as the purpose of sawing anything (as he wrote mischievously Courier). He responded to a purely quantitative kind of personal curiosity. As often happens, of all the comments there is one that has focused on the reliability of numbers and their meaning. Apart from the empirical validity of the survey (on which, obviously, put my hand on fire), it is logically reasonable estimate of 3%? I think so. Just look at the trend and develop some evaluation. The

'99. In '99 (first round) was Guazzaloca 104,571 votes (41.5%). The right-wing candidates, all considered (ie Guazzaloca, Ruocco, Pasquini and Poli), touched the 48% approximately. An extraordinary figure, never touched the city. Even considering the falling rate of turnout. The surveys showed that flow at least 5% of voters were passed to Your Ds Bologna. The reason for the debacle that has left much debating: the inadequacy of the candidate, the infighting within the Ds, repeated errors, the division left, the discontent arose during the tenure Vitali etc. Here should be added to the grounds of a general nature usually neglected, but no less important: the fall of consent, the concerns and disappointments in militant and electoral base of the Olive and the DS, as well as the deaf hostilities against the government emerged D'Alema. Without the shock generated by the Serb-Kosovo war, without the concerns generated by the statements on the eve of the vote by D'Alema for pension reform, without the spirit of revenge prodiani cultivated by the fall of Prodi, with the creation of the donkey, the City would hardly changed hands, well considering all the causes of local character. In summary Guazzaloca won as much as was left to win a set of congiuranti will (and converging from the left, center, from the inside) and operating on several levels (local and national). The Bologna's head was in a sense, the price charged to the ambition of the government of D'Alema and the DS.

2004. In 2004 it suffered a heavy defeat by Cofferati. However, his personal performance and coalitional was not negligible. Regained, in substance, the same absolute ratings of the first round '99 (103,281, 40.7%). Despite a partial return of votes left to the right had a good grip, even considering the current climate of political debate to rule against it (the Berlusconi government had entered into an often long shadow). A portion of the votes that were passed from the left in the middle remained hooked to Guazzaloca (besides the fact they had prodiani mostra di grande entusiasmo all’arrivo di Cofferati, come dimostrato dal fatto che subito s’impegnarono, alleandosi con la sinistra radicale, in un’aspra guerriglia ai suoi danni). Cofferati vinse grazie soprattutto alla sua capacità di coalizzare ai Ds l’elettorato di sinistra scontento. Scontentezza, però, che riprese presto il sopravvento.



Il 2009. Anno nel quale si consuma il destino di Guazzaloca come leader di un più vasto arco di forze. Correndo da solo aggrega solo 28.785 voti, pari al 12,7 %. Perde clamorosamente le ‘primarie’ con Cazzola. Al secondo turno almeno il 60 % dei suoi sostenitori si sposta sul candidato della destra, pure in assenza di indicazioni di voto da parte di Guazzaloca. A sinistra il candidato Delbono mostra scarso appeal, tanto è vero che rimane al di sotto del voto della coalizione e deve andare al ballottaggio. Se il ‘centro’ civico implode ed è in maggior parte riassorbito dalla destra, la sinistra si sfrangia di nuovo. Le liste ‘alternative’ (guidate da Favia, Pasquino, Monteventi, Tedde e Terra) toccano nel complesso quasi l’8 % dei voti. Una cifra destinata ad ampliarsi con la performances di grillini alle regionali del 2010.



Riassumiamo quindi lo stato dell’arte. Con il 2009 viene meno, e defintivamente, l’egemonia che le forze moderate guidate da Guazzaloca hanno esercitato per almeno due tornate elettorali sulla destra. Il numerical cleavage between center-right and center-left (treated as blocks) came under the physiological relationship 40/60. However, even after the experience of the commissioner, the electorate has grown 'opaque' potentially abstainer. In most policy fields have been further fragmented. The right does not seem able to find alternatives to moderate civic-drive model. It has no personality and is good to hire internally wounded, even more than by the defection of Finian, of brawls personalistic. On the other hand Guazzaloca, and what remains of his followers, does not have many alternatives that seek a dialogue on the left, resulting in some way, to take awake a minimum of attention to the virtual civic space collapsed with the moderate-'99. The Democratic Party, by contrast, is seen threatened by the rise of a new 'civic radical', hostile parties (anti-cartel), is intended to redefine the ancient depths of the civic space 'moderate'. Perhaps greater danger (and certainly more realistic) for a possible re-welding to the right side of the 'third', 'civic' or 'moderate'.

In this context, the estimate of 3% (between 6,000 and 9,000 votes, according to the level of abstentions) Guazzaloca attributed to as' added value of an alliance 'center' is not only realistic, but optimistic, perhaps in excess. Few? There are so many? It depends on how you look at things. They all somehow their reasons. And those that highlight thus defined as a purchase could be paid on the 'left' irreducible, with a further enlargement of the 'civic radical' hostile to the Democratic Party. Both for those who appreciate the political and symbolic significance and investment which, however, emphasize that Sl and Rc are not worth (together) more than 3%. The rest I find myself out of the arrogance with which some measure of gauche members have derided the fateful 3 (%).

For myself I understand the concern the leaders of the Democratic Party. Trying to broaden the range of forces that do not recognize themselves in the right. Avoid isolation and a convergence of hostile designs. Quite legitimately Campagnoli has anchored his candidacy in this perspective. Like other other visions (Pasquino wrote about things shared in the Corriere ...). It 'true, however, that the search for alliances may not have happened if consumed in the name of an engagement neurotic betrays insecurity, or a headlong quest for primacy. How to Bologna, after all that has happened, must necessarily act as a hare in a political project that has elsewhere (center and state in the south) its test bench. So you could just sbarellare, creating uncertainty and raising the price in favor of the forces 'marginal'. Guazzaloca fact has been raised a preliminary 'anti-Cevenini' that should have been declared inadmissible from the outset. Not to mention this idea of \u200b\u200b'better government' is a sign that, at least, a huge, however paradoxical, self-esteem. About lidecide the 'best'? Guazzaloca? And out of them who they are: the 'worst'? The evil against the good? The demons against the angels? A Manichaean madness, worthy of a sect of Zoroastrians. With all the repercussions of the case. Not for nothing, left, the opening has been mobilized to Guazzaloca the claims of the other 3%. The

Pd should rather equip the best of his proposal, ideas and people, first gaining the trust of its constituency (which, again according to the numbers, it does not justify any transferor to panic). Dictating the agenda to have it without instruction from the first that shows up. Even for what concerns the radical civic space-the best way to contain the diplomacy does not seem to dialogue (not as good manners do not hurt), because the security of the foundations on which the Democratic Party intends to move.

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FINITE HOLIDAY ... Even the construction workers in August

... not all but almost!

Here the valiant Frederick on August 16 at 8.30 in the unperturbed welcomes us arrival at work. Here never sleeps ...

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Dispari inopportunità

here really seem to play to 'even and odd'. Or maybe the dice or the morra Chinese: all that remains (it seems) of the ancient and noble art of tactics. Tenders Noah to Silvia, the maiden casiniana note, the 'Equal Opportunities' regional, with the noble idea of \u200b\u200bexpanding the perimeter to the center of the center-left, seems to be one of the most controversial moves that you might not. Uncertainty which threatens to leave this side of the Rubicon part of the troops. How can we not just those already dispersed ammuntinate, contumacious or deserted. Take a vote (maybe) you lose two (safe). I remain amazed at how the risk-awareness and warning of skilled leaders navigated as Errani and Bonacini. Enlarging the center, auscultation availability! It 's all a confused and shouting excitedly. Steps. For Guazzaloca and Noah. But not for the delicate and sensitive threshold of 'secularism'. Si deve arrivare fino a monsignor Vecchi ? (l'abile furbacchione di Via Altabella che nel 2004, ricordate ?, voleva vendere il voto disgiunto a favore del Guazza come l'undicesimo comandamento...). A titare troppo la coperta verrà fuori un Pd dell'esterno (come i miei pochi lettori troveranno argomentato nel prossimo numero del Mulino) pronto a raccogliere frutti copiosi. E' l'Italia dei Valori, che qui, tra l'altro, ha Grillini in prima fila, e già in assetto di guerra. Eppure avevo già offerto a iosa i numeri del caso in un lodevole seminario post-elettorale convocato al Passepartout da Salvatore Caronna ! L'Idv si gonfia abbeverandosi assai più al fossato della laicità, che all'orrido dell'anti-berlusconismo. L'elettorato IDV, Emilia, is composed mainly of Pd voters (more often ex-Ds) are tired of the many wedges planted, the irresolution of the leaders, by the Catholics 'adult' and 'pidizzati', but always with an attentive ear to the Curia, regarding matters of civil law. This table shows again where we infer the differential traits of electorates near / next to the various parties (polling Champion very soon: three thousand interviews conducted in three months by the recent regional). You see the confessional tone of the UDC and the 'secular' IDV. Therefore understand how the apartment reserved for the Noah's ark of the great regional alliance face UDC throat, but also as the IDV already anticipate yet another savage meal to the detriment of the Democratic Party. Hic sunt leones!

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Sul terzo polo. Fra Bologna e il Sud. Cevenini e Guazzaloca

Among the sacred principles (of the left of the bipolar etc..) And the prosaic political science (elections to do / not do alliances to do / not do ...) there should be some remnant of analysis.


What is this 'third pole' in the making? Beyond the games side, there are similarities between what they represent (or want to represent) Fini, Casini and Williams (and the various Lombardo, Poli Bortone, Miccichè etc..)? It can take up much space? There are few things that the circulation analysis tend to overlook that and instead, in my opinion, are robust. Now advance the conclusion del ragionamento. Il terzo polo neo-centrista, se c’è o ci sarà, è essenzialmente il “partito del sud”. Questo partito è in incubazione da tempo, almeno dalle europee del ’99. Ed è sorto per reazione all’asse a traino leghista assunto dal governo Berlusconi. I primi sintomi si sono evidenziati in Sicilia, con lo sfaldamento del Pdl regionale. L’ondata astensionista che ha colpito il Pdl nel sud alle europee del ’99 è stata la prima manifestazione di una insofferenza ancora latente, ma profonda. Alle regionali essa si è nuovamente manifestata. In Campania (come nel Lazio) con le lotte intestine al Pdl e con un risultato al di sotto delle aspettative. In Puglia con il ‘lasciapassare’ concesso a Vendola (altro che ‘narrazione’) dall’Udc e dalla Poli Bortone (cioè da un pezzo di An renitente alla leva Pdl). Sono tutti segnali che convergono nel mostrare come sia venuto rapidamente frantumandosi l’investimento fiduciario del Sud appannaggio del Pdl berlusconiamo.



A questo proposito è bene ricordare alcuni dati di struttura (che ho esposto a più riprese in diversi saggi su “Il Mulino”):



Le elezioni, dal ’46 ad oggi, sono state sempre decise dal voto del Sud. E’ nel Sud che i diversi governi (e le forze politiche ad essi associate) hanno tratto le risorse strategiche di consenso. Nel ’48 la Dc sfondò al Nord, ma la paid in '53 with the repudiation of the South 'swindle law'. In the 80's intra-penta-party competition between the PSI and DC was the conquest of the South as a theater More generally, the Democrats held the Republican government 'meridionalizzandosi'. And the League, with the collapse of the sub-culture of white triveneto eventually emerged as a reaction to this state of affairs. One could go on ... but suffice it to recall that the rule is proposed with the second republic. Berlusconi in '94 invented a gimmick to unite the north and south: the dual alliance (the North Pole of Freedom: Fi-League), the south pole of good governance (Fi-An). Vince but then can not govern because the League resents the privileged axis between Fi and An. In the South, however, resources are frozen in the center by voting Pattisti and popularity. The Olive Tree wins in '96, not only for the defection of the Lega Nord, but it wins significant part of the South: Campania in the first place. In 2001 Berlusconi restore the axis with the league, but wins so far. The South, with the exception of Sicily, not follow, because the olive tree remains strong. The entire 2001-2006 term is tainted by the clash between the wings of the coalition: the League on the one hand, An el'Udc other. A sign that there is no balance and amalgamation between the North and South because if the League is the North, the UDC and AN are the North South want hands-free protection and state support for the South. Fi seems to succeed in the South, only interlocutor as the criminal economy (and this explains the case and communication with Sicily Dell'Utri, co-founder of True Fi and PDL). But further than this difficulty. In 2006, the center-left format Union revenge, albeit of limited scale. The difference is still the South, where they move on the three regions 'poised' and undulating: Sardinia and the Abruzzi, Calabria. While holding, albeit with some signs of slowing, Campania (and Lazio). Again, these three regions make a difference in 2008. Back to the right, along with the conquest of Campania, where the flakes' system power 'post-Christian Democrat maintained by Bassolino. The growth of the Northern League is matched by meridionalizzazione of the PDL, thanks to the votes of An.

In the south the movement of votes to take place following the migration of commuters and the political class. That is, mediators 'exchange vote'. So it has always been even if there are episodes of 'popular uprising', with the voters that drive the political class (they were emblematic cases with Orlando of Palermo and Catania with White, but also, albeit small in size, also the case Vendola is an episode of ...). The center-left has 'taken' by the South attraction relevant parts of the political class and their personal following. Incidentally, the choice of Veltroni (with the defenestration of De Mita and the freeze in hospital at Bassolino) favored detachment. The fight with D'Alema - a politician, as he professes, re-naturalizzatosi the south - this is a moment of fracture.

current events, with the split with Fini, show that you have reopened the question of the South The third prong is an attempt to offer a self-aggregation 'center' of the political classes until now oscillating between the left and right . The electorate and the Southern society are tearing the pact that gave birth to the PDL. We no longer hear represented / guarantee. Could refasten to an alliance with the right only if a substantial downsizing of the pivotal power in the league. But this seems very difficult. Not by chance Fini, Casini and Williams have in common a point in the program. Even more than questions of constitutional law is the aversion to federalism in sauce lego-Berlusconi to join us.

But here is the deal of the Democratic Party. If you want to win elections and return to the government to resume the south, but for how things are made can not do that at the price of an alliance with the third prong. In spite of what they think the 'great and pure, bipolar' our own, D'Alema is right. There is no alternative. A self veltroniana reissue of 2008 may do so. Even less of a remake of the Union. What is surprising in the attitude of Bersani (while conceding that the dilemmas are different and the solutions very random) move is the wavering between the League and the third prong. Are not summable, even in a minimal transitional government.

report a further paradox. The leader of the third pole, at least two Fini and Casini, comes from Bologna. They were born in the central north and follow the South Something like that happens to Bersani, which as we know, was overwhelmingly endorsed in the primaries in the South, not in the homeland (Emilia). Strange paradoxes geo-Population.



Già che ci siamo un appunto su Bologna e l’evocata politica di larghe intese civiche. La partita politica, come richiamato, si gioca da Roma in giù. Il centro starà come è, cosiccome il Nord. E’ al sud che passa il cambiamento. Perciò Bologna (e l’Emilia) questa volta non potrà anticipare alcunché. Campagnoli fa bene a richiamare la necessità dell’analisi politica. Ma l’analisi è questa. Inutile ingrandire il discorso. L’allargamento del centro-sinistra è, al massimo, un problema locale. Non anticipa nessuna linea nazionale. A Bologna, come nel nord, il terzo polo si tirerà dietro ben poca gente, mentre al sud potrebbe catalizzare ceto politico e followed elections. The problem is essentially bolognese election than Guazzaloca and do as much of the consensus that natural longing to throw it back. The Civic Party no longer exists. One party after Corticelli Right. The UDC is again itself. At the municipal Guazzaloca took 12%. Now I do not think (surveys in hand) go above 5%. An independent third prong should not be more than 8%. The same amount sold for the local hardcore leftism: new-fangled - Favia - and planting more dated - as in Monteventi, Pasquino, Tedder, Earth etc.. The task of the PD is able to scratch something and left something in the middle. What it can do better if you are on the bar, without stretchers. There remain many friends of tressette top coat. I believe that we have no alternative to join the wagon and their bargaining power is the extent of relevance. Let's see how you put. For now still conclude with an observation. Cevenini seems the most aware of the stage and tactical moves with a grace that few professional politicians get it. Yours sincerely.

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Sul fenomeno Cevenini. Il sondaagio integrale de L'Espresso

After long and painful absence resume writing on the site. All the more so if they feel that too with very little foundation. So again I say mine. Here, Quarantine, long-term care department.


After the dialogue and the many comments Errani-Donini, again, the 'objective truths' Poll I have done for the Express, 6 July. Here in full and comprehensive format. Since I have heard that some people do not believe the survey, I feel that I can 'assess with a certain coldness when' we take '. This is one of those cases. The survey takes, it is well balanced and weighted, and is internally consistent. It has also been conducted without preconceived. I offer to read without adding much to what I wrote in "The Sleeping Beauty." Just add some clarification. On Cevenini, the premise that they are not 'Cevenini', but a careful observer of Cevenini.

1. The success of Cevenini. It 's real. Far from being random. I watched the answers to a survey that I conducted with similar method (free of signs of candidates) in 2002, half of the mandate Guzzaloca. Then circulated to the left of the demand for Briscolone. Bersani Well, as mentioned, was not more than 5%! So of the nearly 8 Cevenini, weighs and how! E 'note that is well penetrated Cevenini nell'elettorato traditional folk of the PD, but also - more importantly - nell'elettorato' opaque ', which is out of politics. An electorate that moves according to the famous 'spiral of silence', or the result of the dominant images. Cevenini managed to get where, normally, only the most powerful media can penetrate. This way, thanks to its 'face to face'. The capital that has accumulated with great dedication over these fifteen years.

2. The employment of Cevenini. E 'obliged, even if it moves with shrewd caution. The game "to the mayor" has entered the irreversible reality. We should withdraw to deal with his supporters, armed with a pitchfork. Why Cevenini is not only a skillful politician capable of accumulating consensus and sympathy. It 'also, in turn, a product of the people. Released from the kitchens of celebrations of the Unity, in bars, sports clubs and clubs of supporters cheering attributable to old-style (left). A people who has always voted what was shown. Swallowing bitter pill. And now it is tired of the commissariat. He wants to decide. He his candidate (Cevenini), and others do not vote. Today the power of blackmail, or rather of annoyance, it has moved from the 'center', where the first tree in the hands of these people. The 'hard core' does not follow. He wants to be followed. At this stage of things it is impossible to neutralize Cevenini.

3. The pattern of play. E 'became clear. On the one hand the policy to be 'big operation' (single quotes): Meeting in the center of governments 'best', convergences, and corporate gatherings of the political class, and rhetorical evocations pan-design galore. The so-called authorities 'strong' (rather 'soft'). On the other Cevnini populism. You do not want to talk about the analysis, nor take part. Only known that this scheme, especially as it manifests itself in various opinion leaders, as Campagnoli, Guazzaloca and other commentators, encourages Cevenini. In a situational, as emphasized in the survey, 'collapse' of the credit policy for the CEV is expected to grow. On the one hand steering, increasingly baroque and complicated, the other simplicity which is a direct order. Mediation to the authenticity. The heavy against the light. The mediated against immediate. The intrigue against transparency. Cevenini Why is a 'militant' party faithful, but is not involved in any struggle, or consortium of power coterie. E 'basic in a complicated world summit. So all

conspiracy, now the prerogative of Cevenini. Systemic economic and political dynamics, as well as psychological ones. To see the first battles on the local pages, also is emerging a further phone quaificazione. Perhaps, above all, Cevenini is the true professional.

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Carlomagno Uber Alles

him I have to. In "The City of trans-communist" I had sketched a concise portrait. The 'non-monk' who propose again here.


"There is a case of X, the non-monk, who lives as a political ball psycho-pathological. E 'manic obsession to sneak filled with groups of those who believes it is important, bragging knowledge and relationships tributaries. Karst reappears at every opportunity topica (come le elezioni, le direzioni, i congressi, sia a Bologna che a Roma, nonché alle primarie del ‘99, per le quali riesce addirittura a raccogliere un certo numero di firme, che poi gli vengono crudelmente invalidate). Tenta in ogni modo di insinuarsi nelle cerchie riservate, dove ha l’ardire di prendere la parola e dalle quali viene immancabilmente allontanato a forza, sollevato per le ascelle mentre sgambetta. Durante la fase concitata del dopo-voto, a urne calde, penetra nel comitato elettorale di Cofferati in via Mentana. Una volta individuato viene messo alla porta da due energumeni. Passandomi accanto mi riconosce. Esultando come chi ha trovato un amico provvidenziale che può salvarlo dalla sorte crudele che lo attende (la porta out) makes me desperately my arms around him, as still in a branch or a rock, and almost drags me to the ground. Even now I wonder: why crackpot dear to you and others do not? ".

was him, Charlemagne, Mr. X. This time it raised a force, but under the eyes of the cameras, broadcast worldwide. Identify yourself as freelancers at the press conference Berlusconi did imbufalire. In addition, he revealed to the world as more plastic can not be the intimate nature (and servile squad) the Minister La Russa. On the photos you see the little Charlemagne, bald, with glasses or maybe not, contact lenses, as was shown by the darkened coat and scarf how we dress, the mother, who stands on the bystanders and addressed the questions that no one dares to Cayman. As Lenin on Red Square. . Then it can be seen sitting with the dignity of a person sentenced to death in the hands of the enemy. As Gramsci before the special court. Finally disappearing under a deluge of pulling and threats. As Gandhi. Little man. Great courage. Charlemagne challenge the jaws of the animal with the power of truth. As Tartaglia is a simple, but instead of having a cathedral of Milan in his hands, the flower has the mouth that terrifies the timid, the fools, criminals. So the picture I had drawn up, as intimately sympathetic, was misleading. I had read that he was not just the 'dot' manic policy, but a Courage Under Fire / witness absolutely exceptional. Hidden, necessarily, in its nature simple and bizarre. On second thought already present with its five hundred signatures on the outskirts of the federation for the primaries in '99, had shown a surprising ability to understand the 'political cycle'. A precursor. Now his courage is, in terms of effectiveness, more than a few oceanic event. It 'been able to show the naked King with the power of the word. So I ask forgiveness if in that time I did not Via Mentone snatched from the hands of bouncers. Among all was that he had more right to be there. And I also ask forgiveness for the times that I met the street (in front of shops and sinanche dark) and I tried to tell his wriggling madly passionate. Bizarre, surreal, megalomenici. Charlemagne. Calvo and kind. From his meter and sixty poor. Who among us could survive a name like that? Today I bow to Charlemagne, who arrives when none of us would have dared to bet. Charlemagne Uber alles.

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Sinistra civica ?

Left civic? What is or may become no one knows, least of all those who talk about it. Could be embodied in more prosaic things: yet another name change of the PD (for example, with the revival of a civic-local address, as it was in, the Classical Age to the Two Towers), the nth proposta di una lista alleata da (supposte) posizioni di forza al Pd, l’ennesima insorgenza rivoluzionaria di ‘società civile’ contro partiti desolatamente incapaci di produrre sintesi politica. Etc. etc….. Deja vu. Soluzioni anche troppo sempliciste. Tali da far torto anche all’intelligenza di chi solleva il problema. Problema, in ogni caso, impellente: come produrre un rinnovamento di classe politica e di progetto. Un mutamento radicale, innalzandosi, come per contrappasso, dalla causale mediocrità della vicenda Delbono. Davvero segnaletico di una discontinuità, non meramente incrementale. A parte Zani, che ha enunciato per primo le due misteriose ‘parole chiave’ (‘sinistra’ e ‘civica’, without bringing any evidence that more evocative) was Cacciari, with the ability to summarize Fulminant that is proper to recall the meaning of an experience is likely to give a little more concrete to form a question. That the list of 'Bridge' administrative launched in Venice in 1990. A track that should be followed in detail, looking for some lessons that may be useful. At that time, moreover, the writer works closely with the Gramsci Veneto (as a member of the Scientific Committee), which had a brisk Umberto Curi organizer and Massimo Cacciari a guide rather than intellectual or charismatic. Around Venetian Institute gravitated personalities: teachers IUAV, as Tafuri and Dal Co, and the University of Padova (including Duso Brandalise, the same Curi), ex-managers of the PCI survey Venetian as Chinello, economists (like Rullani) , IRES CGIL researchers (as Anastasia), and many young intellectuals (remember Luke from Vicenza and Romano Renzo Guolo, Treviso, now acute specialist Islamism in the pages of the Republic). A parterre of experience and specialisms of considerable thickness, but also politically committed individuals (Cacciari himself was recovering from two terms as Member of PCI). Everyone in the prime of life. It was precisely in that Institute Gramsci that the list was the Bridge concepita. La lista non fu frutto di improvvisazione e di una mera ‘libido candidandi’, bensì di un lavoro preparatorio, politico e programmatrico, estremamente serio e durato almeno tre anni. Un lavoro collocato dentro la crisi finale del Pci ed il travaglio della nascita del Pds. Alla ricerca di soluzioni nuove, teoriche e, insieme, di radicamento politico. In quella proposta lo spazio civico è individuato non come un ridotto locale, un rifugio pragmatico e provincialistico alla crisi della politica. Ma come il laboratorio di soluzioni politiche più generali/esemplari. E’ all’interno di questo lavoro di scavo e preparazione programmatica, ad esempio, che viene precisato per la prima volta quel concetto di ‘Idea della città’, che farà da battistrada a numerose altre esperienze. In effetti quell’episodio fu il primo segnale di un ciclo politico che avrebbe poi caratterizzato l’epopea dei sindaci degli anni ’90. Cacciari , che era il capolista candidato a Sindaco di quella lista perse le elezioni (il Comune finì amministrato da un pre-posto tardo democristiano, con il sostegno del Psi di De Michelis), ma ebbe modo di rifarsi rapidamente nella sfida del ’93, vincendo il duello con il candidato leghista (tal Mariconda, che fu imbrigliato e quasi plagiato da Cacciari), diventando alfine Sindaco di Venezia. Va ricordato che in quello stesso anno salgono al soglio municipale Bassolino (a Napoli), Orlando (a Palermo), Castellani (a Torino), Rutelli (a Roma), Sansa (a Genova). Tutte le grandi città metropolitane, ad eccezione di Milano, vengono conquistate dalla sinistra di nuovo conio civico e si pongono le premesse che porteranno alla creazione dell’Ulivo ed alla vittoria nelle politiche del ’96. In sintesi nel ’90 nella Serenissima viene gettato il primo seme di un’intera stagione politica. L’esperienza veneziana, inoltre, verrà replicata con successo in diverse città del ‘veneto bianco’ dimostrando che era possibile infrangerne il muro (anche Fistarol, sindaco a sorpresa di Belluno, veniva dall’Istituto Gramsci).





Qual’era l’essenza dell’operazione Bridge? Favored by the fact that you have recently revived the memories with the same Cacciari, I would say this: the guide function of political leadership, exercised either directly by a group of politically oriented intellectuals. Involving, followed by the party and the historical associations of the labor movement, with their regional organizations. This is neither of archaic intellectuals 'organic' (the Communist Party is the terminal state and the myth of Prince Party is now buried a long time), nor of 'experts' aggregate policy, neither candidate's impromptu 'civil society'. But a 'core project' train yourselves in the political debate 80's in the decline of the Communist Party and the changes in the national society. And here is made a clarification on the situation in Venice. Party and union lagoon, are not weak (Venice is still a working town with a strong presence due to the large industry, no traditions 'white', as the other main towns of Veneto, Padova, Verona, Vicenza, etc...) However they are not able to exert hegemony. A long been excluded from the city government, most often in the hands of the DC and its many allies. So on the one hand, party 'is not strong,' even if 'weak'. On the other hand, a merger, rare in its power, 'matter grigia’ raccolta nell’istituto Gramsci. In tali circostanze il gruppo intellettuale del Gramsci s’insinua in un ‘quasi vuoto’, e prende la guida del processo politico. Non ponendosi in uno sterile antagonismo da ‘società civile’ riverginata con l’anti politica. Bensì esercitando l’egemonia sul mondo della sinistra. Con la proposta politica e il dinamismo della sua potenziale classe dirigente.



Rispetto ad allora molta acqua, come ovvio, è passata sotto ai ‘ponti’. Cacciari sta per chiudere il suo terzo mandato da Sindaco, dopo traversie, spaccature e ricomposizioni. Mentre l’ombra mignon di Brunetta incombe sulla laguna. Rutelli e Bassolino si sa dove I am finished. And after them Veltroni. Orlando's season was short. Chiamparino only managed to bring to fruition the best legacy of the Castellani. But he also starts goodbye. Sansa Genoa danced one summer, and if the incoming Pericu has been able to ensure a decade of high consensus, the mandate Vincent took off so troubled. Many other mayors, as aspired to follow in the footsteps of Mayors-pioneers have left legacy twisted and sometimes unsuccessful. Vitali and then Cofferati in Bologna. Dominici in Florence. And if it is true that here and there are proposed exceptions, such as Zanon in Padua and the recent conquest of Vicenza, as well as the reconfirmation of the exception thirties, medium-sized cities as Brescia were back on the right after the enlightened and mandates Martinazzoli Corsini. In Bologna, Delbono misfortune has fallen on the city as a bomb-year-old, recalling to life the ghosts of '99. In short, the season of 'urban policy' has passed. The policy framework, even aggravated by the narrow margin of autonomy for the economic crisis, is compromised in several places.

Yet, after almost false ripartrenza of many local primary, to find a new momentum in the 'suburbs', especially in urban areas', is an absolutely necessary condition for the national project of the PD (and the Left in general). Now, in this context, I believe that l’esperienza del Ponte abbia un senso la cui sostanza è ancora attuale. La formulerei così: ripartire tramite robuste aggregazioni intellettuali nelle città, trasferendo su di esse funzioni non solo di analisi/progetto, ma di leadership.



Guardando a casa nostra, ci sono differenze rispetto al caso veneziano. Il partito era (e per certi aspetti è rimasto) forte. L’istituto Gramsci locale ha più spesso traccheggiato come un organo collaterale, rinunciando a entrare in modo diretto sulla politica. Del resto Bologna è una città dove è rilevante lo spessore ‘accademico’, con tutti i suoi difetti, delle cerchie intellettuali. Il Mulino/Cattaneo, l’altra grande aggregazione of national importance, has already given. In addition there are marked internal fragmentation. Hard to imagine towing function. HOWEVER And the party has been weakened, while much of the world economic associations has greatly corporatisation (pathetic as to make his current claim to substitute its policy as a 'civil society'). It has created a situation somewhat similar to that of Venice at the time. So there are conditions for it to recur an experiment in intellectual leadership matrix. The Gramsci has for some time dynamics of a presidency, and although it is difficult to see Carlo Galli, today, a replica of Cacciari then, is also true that there could start to spur beat, project work, involvement and aggregation on the intellectual ladder from the town which lead to the expected change. If party politics is in crisis, when the category system languishes in the decline of consociativismo, is a generic 'civil society' that need to seek solutions. But in taking responsibility of the intellectual work. Back to Lenin, and a core elite of his thought. Starting again from the head. Illuminated by a vanguard. And then look for any solution to help.

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I ‘cattolici’ e il Pd. Con Uffa finale.

they say, here and there, that this time, with regional, many will vote the list but not the names. It seems that the idea is particularly popular with some of the cd. 'Catholic' the Democratic Party. A proposal disturbing, seeing where it comes from. Was an ex-communist Old to speak there would be nothing to worry about. I, for one, and until old age, I had the habit of giving preference votes. I found the costume too much like 'Democrat'. While the list vote, the party that is just, it was a noble moral act. You vote for this idea, maybe politics. What is and is. Not the person, however, is transient, limited by definition to replace. Here, however, seem intent in different fields. Not a healthy / patient refusal of 'personalism', but the 'people' in the house list. A threat. A ventilation moral blackmail. The prelude, as a last resort, to a farewell party. In fact, there traffic is being made towards the UDC. In elections in 2008, as noted, several votes were passed by the Democratic Party-Olive UDC, to replace a stream of similar importance to the UDC oriented PDL. Clear signs of a marked shift to the right of the vote 'Catholic'. E 'in pursuit of these votes that Rutelli has packed up, soon followed by a procession of widespread political class. So, after the vote, a movement of the political class. The 'Catholic' back to the center. That is, leave the left. Maybe you want to re-ally with it, but from a position of strength. By imposing the 'rent' of the center. With the result for the PD of a dilemma: an alliance with this 'center' (still largely virtual) preventing phagocytosis right, or fight it as a sign of pollution? That translated into votes means: if they lose more by doing good or bad face to the game? The Democratic Party has chosen the first alternative. And it's not likely he had other. The results we will see them after the regional. Yet the theme of 'Catholic' ('adults', as has been described as the most important, that Romano Prodi) has a thickness much larger than a glimpse of the movement of fugitives. The PD would mean a double movement: the meeting of the 'Catholic Democrats' with his left hand, and a new model of integration, in which a number of memberships would be dissolved in the new identity. There is a term that connotes the Hegelian vocabulary precisely this process: Aufhebung. Literally, "to lift off." In the dialectic process the third time, the speculative stage, or positive-rational, or reconciliation with the abstract universal (Enc.C, § 79). The final output was to be the self-identity of the constituents in an identity that can encompass them at a higher level. So were born the 'democratic', with no more adjectives, inmates, at most, if persistent, the inner sphere of existential biography. That is 'secular'. Substances resulted in the democratic alchemy was the crucible where they were to merge the traditions of the noble metal constituents: the spirit of discipline, organization, instances of collective emancipation, moral profiles of socialism, that is, as sediment from the experience of Communism Italian (and Emilia) and theoretical significance (transcendental) and the practicalities of 'communitarian personalism' of Christian origin, with its wealth of life-worlds of 'social private'. In the framework of the renewed constitutional pact with his liberalism socially oriented. A welfare with the soul, the organization more autonomy community, discipline and democratic competition, the more participation in policy setting, a market 'social', not corporations but even atomized. A party-programmatic political pluralism, not a patchwork of sectarian tribes late-ideological, that is post-ideological. This Aufhebung, hainoi, is far from coming. For many complex reasons, and so far have swept the 'perverse effects' and 'conditioned reflexes'. A tradition persists as empty bureaucracy, autoterefernza, icy composition and balance of powers, the other representing them as resonant and anarchic individualism, a small corporate meeting and notability. It so happens to hear about non-compliance, the lists of 'sensitivity' plural. As the composition of a list and its dosage harlequinesque (actually a 'bone' of fish, even decomposed) could substitute for the Aufhebung is not there. They say the DS and comes out the remnants of an apparatus of solidarity once powerful and respected. It says 'Catholic' and come out of Tom, Dick and Harry. All the little finger up to claim the license 'authentic' the real Catholic. Yeah, because when there is one, if it represents Vattelapesca the 'Catholic'. This was the rest of the Margherita, a permanent assembly of notables and quarrelsome and aspiring, always called in the preparation of lists. One foot in the 'social private', the memory in young parish, the other foot in politics. Two legs. With balls (unfortunately ours) shot. At the end of the list

(regional) remains what it is. If it is unattractive, it would have been if it had even less cause for this request 'pluralization' of the various noumena (and phenomena) that wander onto the scene. So rest academically. Was not for me, that incarnation of the universal hypothesis megalomenica abstract, the list would have made out like this:

1. subdivision of the federal territory into three areas (among other things, granted the election of the candidate Imola, the most perfect 'farms closed', three are in preparation for the eligible): Plain City, the hill-mountain

2. startup procedures for the participation territorialized (primary, consultations, meetings of members). Wide freedom of methods, but with the sole purpose of an effective synthesis scale territorial

3. formation of the head of a list of three 'regional leader', each for the area of \u200b\u200bapplicability, representative for the strength of the bonds held with the land and fit for use for any expertise on a regional scale;

4. commitment to support the head of the party list system, allowing free movement to the support staff (from current, sensitivity, social worlds, if any, and so on ...)

5. constraint imperative for candidates to sign, if elected, a significant portion of their salaries to the party.

simple model, as we see, and perhaps enlightened amateur, but with a double purpose: a.

Retrieve the logic being that went tragically lost with the single name porcellum, but negligently suffered by a Pd; looking for 'value added' territorial integrity and accountability of elected representatives in front of an electorate not the abstract universality sublimated in the party, but geographically limited,

b. Give a signal of counter-trend at least towards the more mundane side, but visible as ever in times of severe financial hardship, the cd. 'Caste'. I remained a Marxist, that is, among so many noble souls, a narrow materialistic. At the end of the social being determines human behavior. Climb the peak ideals should be lighter.

For the rest who wants to leave, go where the bears ass. The pruned tree is known, grows best. It 's true that the rule rather liked the old Dzhugashvili. But there is a difference with that shady past. The Georgian shouldering his shears. Amputations (especially the good parts). Here, pruning is an individual choice. Auto-pruning. That is already a step that Providence, with its Hegelian rationality, provides to the self-overcoming. Aufbeschneiden (which I do not know if there is in German) pending dell'Aufheben. With Aufatmen end (literally draw a sigh of relief). Auffe!

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Il piccolo 5 Piovoso di Bolokistan

There are situations that are captured at time t zero, the first time, that the pressure of economic trends to infinity, all polish. There are some notes that should be fixed. Departure. And on arrival.

The first is what happens on the night of February 4 ('Rainy', in the Jacobin calendar), at around 23. An SMS message Page signed by Giuseppe Cremonesi assessors come to the junta Delbono: "Dearest / tomorrow morning at 10:30 am on Feb. 5 is called a junta extraordinary. Odg. Mayor's announcements. Thanks, sorry time. Good night. " A boil of items that have crossed during the day with some clarity portend what may be incurred in colander: the withdrawal of the resignation of Mayor. Resignation mysteriously dates immediately following repeated statements of strong resistance (even with a 'trial') and now withdraw definitions shall apply. Who pushes the hypothesis - a hypothesis in itself is not entirely farfetched - are not the political forces of the coalition. Which, in case they could also use the card as a wildcard to run on the end table. And thus the other hand, is subtracted. But a consortium of business interests and corporate as well as 'moral', is evident from the way that some involvement of the Curia itself, led by the Board of Manufacturers. The motive is not wholly prosaic: the city to avoid the paralysis that goes exactly looms up in those hours, a along receivership. But the 'finger on the city', you see, oh yes, behind the 'mad'. A non-political initiative, therefore, that passes over the heads of political parties, and it is easy to imagine the outcome: a Mayor 'prêt à porter'. With the parties in tow and with a heavy 'hat': a concert of at least part of local interests 'count'. It 'a kind of small' shot of City Hall '. It's kept alive a sort of civic empty and devoid of all legitimacy in and redefine themselves in the process of factual claims and the actuators. 'Good night', in fact. The city really comes in buio. Da un lato l’iniziativa della destra che tende a stremarla/umiliarla. Dall’altro un insieme di interessi societari che mira a insinuarsi nel vuoto politico. Prendendo la mano nottetempo. Sostituendosi a un Pd paralizzato dagli eventi e sotto choc. Come è finita si sa: l’iniziativa di Delbono & company è presto rintuzzata dalla minaccia di un suo diretto ri-dimissionamento da parte del gruppo consiliare. E tuttavia il fatto, questo piccolo 5 piovoso, resta notevole. Foriero di sviluppi. Ancora adesso, in questo strenuo agitarsi della stimata Camera di Commercio, il concerto supremo delle ‘categorie’, e in questa nella pelosa malleveria di Casini presso il governo (e finanche Berlusconi in persona), non è difficile intravedere un filo rosso dove molte cose si legano. E qui bisogna guardare un attimo indietro.



Il Bolokistan non è nato oggi. E’ un pezzo di società materiale che è vissuto all’ombra dei partiti e che si è poi progressivamente autonomizzato. Associazioni rappresentative di ceti medi, commercianti, artigiani, libere professioni, di imprese, cooperative, fondazioni bancarie, ecc. Tutto un milieu. Società civile ‘concreta’, in grado di dettare tempi e modalità della governance. Con una intrinseca attitudine alla redistribuzione e con un interesse tutto ‘barocco’ alla preservazione dello status quo e degli interessi di ceto. Nella lontana crisi del Pds, nel ’99, this concert was immediately understood the scope of the 'project' civic Guazzaloca. A man, not applicable, 'guilds', released by her own breasts, whose purpose was precisely to 'unstick' the system of interest dall'ingombrante primacy of the left. The pragmatism instead of ideology, minimalism faber in place of dreams. The adhesive sealant as the true interests of social cohesion. System sticky, gelatinous, it seems. Which make the rest of the city. Reduced to tinsel: popular participation, the political parties. This concert had just suffered the departure of glorious Guazzaloca Meadow in 2004. He had turned up their noses, and bocca, di fronte a Cofferati. L’ingombrante giacobino venuto da fuori. Il quale Cofferati gli aveva reso la pariglia, mettendone gli interpreti in un angolo e infliggendo loro ogni sorta di fustigazione. Senza tuttavia riuscire, per ragioni che un giorno, forse, dovrebbe lui stesso spiegarci, a costruire una egemonia alternativa alla degenerazione del ‘modello consociativo’. Tanto è vero che Egli non riesce a impedire il crearsi di una commistione tonale fra ‘interessi forti’ e società ‘debole’ che nutre aspettative di partecipazione. Non passa giorno che uno dei membri di questi due mondi, a turno, non tuoni sulle pagine della stampa cittadina (e di Repubblica in particolare, il cui Direttore adesso predica so well that soon he becomes the megaphone almost exclusively). Social cohesion vilified, the city project went to the beach, sharing violated, as the political coalition, the good councilors ignored, disdained the interests, expectations as the last of the committees, and even the good feelings. In fact, here is the fault of Cofferati: not just in having hit the target, but not being able to build an alternative.

E 'in this context that the operation should be placed in nomination Delbono. Now Bonacini apologize. And it is an act of courage that must be emphasized. He arrived after the rest. Not a factor. Caronna stoically takes blame. He, however, beside the point. But, beyond rhetorical positions, is the post-transition Cofferati that should be clarified in the aspects of substance. The political mandate under which the nomination Delbono advanced teaching is clear: mend Cofferati where he had 'broken'. For some the 'balls' of coalitional parties and their habits, for others the nerves of citizens, in need of listening, reassurance and symbolic identifiers, for others still, the slurs of 'interests', their voice on the choices that matter and together, their balance and mutual convenience. On this program, many find themselves. Almost all. For policy-makers the choice was to some extent required. Apart from the reluctance subjective, too risky to venture to succeed where he failed Cofferati. In the role of Caronna, Errani and others, few would have chosen another road. That is the agreement with prodiana component: the most exposed to the center, where it came from the threat. They were likely to 'slip'. As had happened in '99. The problem is to understand what were the proportions and measures of this agreement, the limits are not exceeded. That is, the political scope and project governance. What the events of the little 5 Rainy seem to emphasize is that these limits, if there had been exceeded, and with considerable autonomy. Maybe well beyond the availability of contractors of the pact. Too shameless gratification returned by a certain envelope of interest, not to think that the gelatinous mass was condensed around a 'center' compelling as ever. That this 'center' or 'milieu', he found, in other words, your Mayor. Closed

here, for now, the discourse. Advance some of the themes of the subsequent reflections. Among these, the 'issue' of Catholics in the Democratic Party. Where I can easily find more than one link with the picture described. Which is also the question of the relationship to hold with this 'center'. My impression is that with the failure of the operation Delbono, its local autonomy of action is greatly increased. It will tend to occupy the ganglia of political life ....

White Dress With Green Gems

Masters forum tried again.

For the evening:

Friday, February 12 at 20:30

Hall Passepartout Via Galliera 25

title of the evening:

Politics and Society:

two parallel universes, one crisis

With two brief introductions issues (under twenty minutes):

Fausto Anderlini:

Bologna's case and the Democratic Party. Check the depth on the surface

Caesar Minghini:

The economic crisis and the problems of social representation

Remember the semi-clandestine meeting convened in the basement of the Casa del Popolo "Spartacus"?

was May 13, 2009. After repeated electoral defeats and the resignation of the Democratic Party had desperately stranded Veltroni. Carried the primaries in Bologna, we started in local elections without zest and a low profile. It was a nice discussion, which ended with a proposal:

"Make a forum to exit the cul de sac"

Since then non ci sono stati più incontri. L’amministrazione cittadina sembrava procedere secondo il suo corso. Il Pd è andato alle primarie che hanno incoronato Bersani. I master-forum sono stati presi dalle loro faccende. Cesare Minghini si è concentrato nell’editazione di una bella rivista sindacale (ERE), Anderlini è malinconicamente veleggiato a Terlingua (deserto del Texas).

Fare un forum, infatti, costa fatica. Ecco adesso è uno di quei momenti dove questa fatica bisogna farla, anche se non se ne ha voglia. Perciò, dopo quanto è successo a Bologna, ricominciamo...

Polaris Extra 10 Suspension Guide

HYBRIS

Come spiegare il voltafaccia del Pdl e dei suoi tirapiedi ? Darsi da fare per la città, portandola al voto il più presto possibile, sembrava un'occasione egemonica servita su un piatto d'argento. Porre rimedio dove altri avevano fallito. E invece no. Commissario sino al 2011. La città di Bologna, una delle più dinamiche aree metropolitane del sistema Italia, la capitale di una regione fra le prime in Europa, trattata come Canicattì Bagni o un comune della Locride. In realtà per analizzare le mosse della destra non si può ricorrere alla razionalità ordinaria, ovvero alla logica spassionata ed oggettiva. I comportamenti politici sono sempre una mescolanza di elementi razionali e libidici. Non c'è da stupirsi che sia stato Cicchitto to dictate the refrain, which are quickly queued local minions, from a Berselli Cazzola, remain what they had said only hours before. A Craxi of P2, full of hatred and resentment, like many of his associates. A man moved not by political ideals, the spirit of revenge. Eager to impose on others the shame which was the sign that his master (Craxi). To remove the plug is stuck in the flesh of others, enjoying the pain caused. It 's the case of what the Greek tragedy as indicated Hybris: arrogance, excess, abuse of power. In this respect, the commissioner of Bologna (and not for the P2 case is coming back ...) is a kind of 'bomb-year-old' launched on the city, to destroy the fabric Civil (object of hatred and envy). Exact equivalent of the bomb 80 was launched on August 2 at the station. Deface the city as a whole. A crime against the community. The motive is the same as then: hatred. The tactics of the right moves from this hubris, this existential perception of the 'enemy' to kill / humiliate. Bologna the red. The firm, its thriving manufacturing, social services. Laugh at, songs, crease. Desertified hardening civil. And then, once pulled down his defenses, capture it, putting it in bags. In the face of all this requires a civil onset. I hate hate calls. Humiliation called pride. No pasaran.

Yugioh Gx The Duel Of Academy Gameshark

Piccoli annali

In a recent post Zani (the friend found) has pointed to a reader asking him to take the field that was the time when he felt the pride vibrate to offer as a candidate for Mayor: 2004, 's Cofferati year. I read this sentence and grants of a survey that I served privately to the then secretary of the DS (Salvatore Caronna). Poll of October 2002, just beyond the medium term of Guazzaloca. At the time I was not disgraced and I often were required performance opinion polls. To which I replied conscientiously and free style 'excellent' relations. All for the assessment of clients with low numbers and to relate thoughts (and often both). Here, in Astanteria - always for the purpose of a public / private between me and Zani exciting precisely because it totally useless - I would like to propose some excerpts of that detection. In fact it had tested some virtual duels between different hypotheses of candidates for the center-left and Giorgio Guazzaloca. Remember, for the reader, the political scene at that time. A half term Guazzaloca shown to have very little momentum. As enjoyed a degree of consensus, the honeymoon 'civic' was very pale. At the same time also the center-left hobbled, just back from the defeat of 2001. In public opinion on the left, moreover, already crazy Briscolone application. That time coincided with Bersani (and would later come unexpectedly Cofferati). As the reader can infer from the data in hospitalized Astanteria Zani was not badly placed, but Prodi (win, also because of the fact that people thought of the Roman Empire) and Riccomini (surprisingly) had a better chance. In summary, as I wrote in the conclusions, Zani was not behind a strand of opinion so strong that it outperforms all risks. Purely party candidate with a profile, its application could only be sustained with a strong contribution of the party / coalition. At that time there was also because the experience of regional Zani had waned in failure of the Congress of Pesaro in coincidence. Men party, but quite isolated. Perhaps he could rejoin the game as an out-sider primarily. However, it is fantastoria. Then the primaries, there had been, would have been towed from the party. Much more than what would have happened later. A Bartolini a, Cevenini with a side dish. In the case - here - I am convinced that Zani would be proud enough to let it go (as indeed it did in '99). As they went to finish things is history. Cofferati hoisted on building Accursio with rage, not so much by a wave election (there were defections to 5%), but ideological and charismatic. Zani in Europe (I was naughty, I would say that there Zani could have done a sin of pride, anche utile, malgrado il rischio, per investimenti futuri; ma non lo fece). Comunque sia Zani resta per me il migliore candidato sindaco del '99, e visto come sono andate le cose, anche del 2004. Siamo gente con un grande futuro alle spalle. O un grande passato davanti. Triste fardello dell'età. Non so quale scompiglio/divertissement potrebbe generare un ritorno al Pd di Zani. Se la federazione Pd fosse eguale a quella tardo Ds, sarebbe sicuramente intrigante. Ma il Pd, malgrado abbia incorporato/cumulato molti dei vecchi vizi dei fondatori, è davvero altra cosa. E' un organismo spugnoso, così ricco di micro-soggettività superficiali, da fregarsene del tutto di quelle dotate di un qualche spessore. Anch'io sono stato mandato a ramengo da un pezzo. E non è che avessi grandi ambizioni. Del resto manca perfino l'affinità linguistica. In ogni caso, siccome sono di corte vedute, penso anch'io che ci sarebbe bisogno di una sinistra. Certo intelligente. Non nel 'paese', però, bensì nel Pd (che resta l'unico mezzo, per quanto malandato, per agganciare quel che resta del paese). Se liberato dei demoni mnemonici (e mi rendo conto quanto sia difficile, quando è una delle poche cose che ti restano) Zani potrebbe dare sicuramente - come si diceva una volta - un 'contributo positivo'. So già, tuttavia, che qui farà peccato d'orgoglio. Con me è facile....

Can I Cut Laminate Flooring With Stanley Knife

Cambio di gioco

Uscendo for a moment by the mystical atmosphere of Terlingua me think (looks a bit ') to' candidate '. The problems - it is true - are elsewhere. In the project, identity, alliances, social policies and so on. etc.. Nevertheless, we must field a candidate. That its passage, even the possible defeat, somewhere in this 'elsewhere'. Moving on. With a phase change. Trunc! In the previous post I wrote that a party 'serious' would make choices, refraining from hiding behind the methodologies. If this requirement is lacking, there is nothing to draw assumptions of school, as if there really was such a party. Looking at what you see for now, it's hard to avoid a situation all'impresione comically bleak. It did with the primaries that passes the monastery would be a show down shades grotesque. The people of the working chamber should be lined up in favor of Campagnoli (secretary of the CGIL fifteen years ago ... I miss the reason why managers normally so reluctant to join the 'debate' policy, have decided to put their feet all of a shot ....). That cooperation should crowding behind his Massarenti (Sita being rolled out to unexpected retirement from the cheek of the big head). The artisans behind Sangalli. That of the bar (Ciccio) Andrea Costa and the curve would result in his shoulder CEV. We can imagine many other contenders, but it's easy to tell who the winner would be di così elevata tenzone. La precipitazione al punto zelig.

Woody Allen nei panni del colonello Sanders, su cui si basa il personaggio di Zelig, che possedeva una misteriosa abilità per essere presenti a tutti gli eventi storicamente significativi: l'invasione della Normandia, la firma della Magna Charta, il D-Day, e, sopra, la firma del trattato di Versailles alla fine della prima guerra mondiale.



Risultato: un Pd 'Druso', letteralmente liquefatto nel suo elettorato. Completamente libanizzato lungo le filieres degli interessi e delle sottocordate. Un partito letteralmente disciolto nel 'partito unico delle primarie'. Come tale perfettamente anarchico e darwiniano. Uomini rispettabili, beninteso, quelli citati, che sarei anche disposto a votare/sostenere ove la spuntassero (a parte Sangalli, quello proprio no...). Ma certo 'sostituibili', bandiere un poco stinte e ordinarie di truppe più o meno volatili. Certo sperimentati. Nel senso che ciò che potevano dare di 'straordinario' l'hanno dato. Nel bene come nel male. Dentro una storia talmente conosciuta da diventare domestica. Su altra sponda, non è che desti entusiasmo il corteo avviato da Repubblica dalle parti di Via Gerusalemme. Oddio, se il Briscolone accettasse l'invito all'atto d'amore (ma cosa siamo, al melodramma ?), tutti in riga. Successo garantito. La mia impressione però è this procession, with its whining maitres a penser (Balzanelli and de Plato), is very sad (and also not doing a great service to Prodi). Whining behind Prodi, evoked as a pater familiae, even had Guazzaloca, extreme support quell'accomodamento powers and conveniences which Delbono interpreter was unfortunate, however, declare that it is tantamount to the fruit, with the result of filling with 'ardent enemies. Neither was very intelligent look trembling UDC, thickening the balance, with the coat of arms to forget that tasty, well beyond its size.

We are in the realm of things trite, del deja vu. Sparigliare, bisognerebbe. Cambiare schema. Niente primarie, e comunque nessuna ridicola resa dei conti fra i soliti noti. Tutti un passo indietro. E avanti una persona giovane, iscritta o di area. Giovane di spirito, per capacità energetiche, neanche tanto per l'anagrafe. Di qualità intellettuale riconosciuta e che già abbia dato qualche prova, anche solo potenziale, di combattente. Con idee innovative, specie in materia ambientale. Comunque decisamente estraneo alle baruffe che conosciamo così bene. Ecco quel Segré, in via 'astrattamente empirica', tanto per citare un fac-simile, non sarebbe una ipotesi da scartare. E si potrebbe anche soprassedere sul fatto che un tipo come Di Pietro (e il suo corteo sotto le mura even more sad than others) we have put the hat on.