Reception Rose Centerpiece Ideas

Sinistra civica ?

Left civic? What is or may become no one knows, least of all those who talk about it. Could be embodied in more prosaic things: yet another name change of the PD (for example, with the revival of a civic-local address, as it was in, the Classical Age to the Two Towers), the nth proposta di una lista alleata da (supposte) posizioni di forza al Pd, l’ennesima insorgenza rivoluzionaria di ‘società civile’ contro partiti desolatamente incapaci di produrre sintesi politica. Etc. etc….. Deja vu. Soluzioni anche troppo sempliciste. Tali da far torto anche all’intelligenza di chi solleva il problema. Problema, in ogni caso, impellente: come produrre un rinnovamento di classe politica e di progetto. Un mutamento radicale, innalzandosi, come per contrappasso, dalla causale mediocrità della vicenda Delbono. Davvero segnaletico di una discontinuità, non meramente incrementale. A parte Zani, che ha enunciato per primo le due misteriose ‘parole chiave’ (‘sinistra’ e ‘civica’, without bringing any evidence that more evocative) was Cacciari, with the ability to summarize Fulminant that is proper to recall the meaning of an experience is likely to give a little more concrete to form a question. That the list of 'Bridge' administrative launched in Venice in 1990. A track that should be followed in detail, looking for some lessons that may be useful. At that time, moreover, the writer works closely with the Gramsci Veneto (as a member of the Scientific Committee), which had a brisk Umberto Curi organizer and Massimo Cacciari a guide rather than intellectual or charismatic. Around Venetian Institute gravitated personalities: teachers IUAV, as Tafuri and Dal Co, and the University of Padova (including Duso Brandalise, the same Curi), ex-managers of the PCI survey Venetian as Chinello, economists (like Rullani) , IRES CGIL researchers (as Anastasia), and many young intellectuals (remember Luke from Vicenza and Romano Renzo Guolo, Treviso, now acute specialist Islamism in the pages of the Republic). A parterre of experience and specialisms of considerable thickness, but also politically committed individuals (Cacciari himself was recovering from two terms as Member of PCI). Everyone in the prime of life. It was precisely in that Institute Gramsci that the list was the Bridge concepita. La lista non fu frutto di improvvisazione e di una mera ‘libido candidandi’, bensì di un lavoro preparatorio, politico e programmatrico, estremamente serio e durato almeno tre anni. Un lavoro collocato dentro la crisi finale del Pci ed il travaglio della nascita del Pds. Alla ricerca di soluzioni nuove, teoriche e, insieme, di radicamento politico. In quella proposta lo spazio civico è individuato non come un ridotto locale, un rifugio pragmatico e provincialistico alla crisi della politica. Ma come il laboratorio di soluzioni politiche più generali/esemplari. E’ all’interno di questo lavoro di scavo e preparazione programmatica, ad esempio, che viene precisato per la prima volta quel concetto di ‘Idea della città’, che farà da battistrada a numerose altre esperienze. In effetti quell’episodio fu il primo segnale di un ciclo politico che avrebbe poi caratterizzato l’epopea dei sindaci degli anni ’90. Cacciari , che era il capolista candidato a Sindaco di quella lista perse le elezioni (il Comune finì amministrato da un pre-posto tardo democristiano, con il sostegno del Psi di De Michelis), ma ebbe modo di rifarsi rapidamente nella sfida del ’93, vincendo il duello con il candidato leghista (tal Mariconda, che fu imbrigliato e quasi plagiato da Cacciari), diventando alfine Sindaco di Venezia. Va ricordato che in quello stesso anno salgono al soglio municipale Bassolino (a Napoli), Orlando (a Palermo), Castellani (a Torino), Rutelli (a Roma), Sansa (a Genova). Tutte le grandi città metropolitane, ad eccezione di Milano, vengono conquistate dalla sinistra di nuovo conio civico e si pongono le premesse che porteranno alla creazione dell’Ulivo ed alla vittoria nelle politiche del ’96. In sintesi nel ’90 nella Serenissima viene gettato il primo seme di un’intera stagione politica. L’esperienza veneziana, inoltre, verrà replicata con successo in diverse città del ‘veneto bianco’ dimostrando che era possibile infrangerne il muro (anche Fistarol, sindaco a sorpresa di Belluno, veniva dall’Istituto Gramsci).





Qual’era l’essenza dell’operazione Bridge? Favored by the fact that you have recently revived the memories with the same Cacciari, I would say this: the guide function of political leadership, exercised either directly by a group of politically oriented intellectuals. Involving, followed by the party and the historical associations of the labor movement, with their regional organizations. This is neither of archaic intellectuals 'organic' (the Communist Party is the terminal state and the myth of Prince Party is now buried a long time), nor of 'experts' aggregate policy, neither candidate's impromptu 'civil society'. But a 'core project' train yourselves in the political debate 80's in the decline of the Communist Party and the changes in the national society. And here is made a clarification on the situation in Venice. Party and union lagoon, are not weak (Venice is still a working town with a strong presence due to the large industry, no traditions 'white', as the other main towns of Veneto, Padova, Verona, Vicenza, etc...) However they are not able to exert hegemony. A long been excluded from the city government, most often in the hands of the DC and its many allies. So on the one hand, party 'is not strong,' even if 'weak'. On the other hand, a merger, rare in its power, 'matter grigia’ raccolta nell’istituto Gramsci. In tali circostanze il gruppo intellettuale del Gramsci s’insinua in un ‘quasi vuoto’, e prende la guida del processo politico. Non ponendosi in uno sterile antagonismo da ‘società civile’ riverginata con l’anti politica. Bensì esercitando l’egemonia sul mondo della sinistra. Con la proposta politica e il dinamismo della sua potenziale classe dirigente.



Rispetto ad allora molta acqua, come ovvio, è passata sotto ai ‘ponti’. Cacciari sta per chiudere il suo terzo mandato da Sindaco, dopo traversie, spaccature e ricomposizioni. Mentre l’ombra mignon di Brunetta incombe sulla laguna. Rutelli e Bassolino si sa dove I am finished. And after them Veltroni. Orlando's season was short. Chiamparino only managed to bring to fruition the best legacy of the Castellani. But he also starts goodbye. Sansa Genoa danced one summer, and if the incoming Pericu has been able to ensure a decade of high consensus, the mandate Vincent took off so troubled. Many other mayors, as aspired to follow in the footsteps of Mayors-pioneers have left legacy twisted and sometimes unsuccessful. Vitali and then Cofferati in Bologna. Dominici in Florence. And if it is true that here and there are proposed exceptions, such as Zanon in Padua and the recent conquest of Vicenza, as well as the reconfirmation of the exception thirties, medium-sized cities as Brescia were back on the right after the enlightened and mandates Martinazzoli Corsini. In Bologna, Delbono misfortune has fallen on the city as a bomb-year-old, recalling to life the ghosts of '99. In short, the season of 'urban policy' has passed. The policy framework, even aggravated by the narrow margin of autonomy for the economic crisis, is compromised in several places.

Yet, after almost false ripartrenza of many local primary, to find a new momentum in the 'suburbs', especially in urban areas', is an absolutely necessary condition for the national project of the PD (and the Left in general). Now, in this context, I believe that l’esperienza del Ponte abbia un senso la cui sostanza è ancora attuale. La formulerei così: ripartire tramite robuste aggregazioni intellettuali nelle città, trasferendo su di esse funzioni non solo di analisi/progetto, ma di leadership.



Guardando a casa nostra, ci sono differenze rispetto al caso veneziano. Il partito era (e per certi aspetti è rimasto) forte. L’istituto Gramsci locale ha più spesso traccheggiato come un organo collaterale, rinunciando a entrare in modo diretto sulla politica. Del resto Bologna è una città dove è rilevante lo spessore ‘accademico’, con tutti i suoi difetti, delle cerchie intellettuali. Il Mulino/Cattaneo, l’altra grande aggregazione of national importance, has already given. In addition there are marked internal fragmentation. Hard to imagine towing function. HOWEVER And the party has been weakened, while much of the world economic associations has greatly corporatisation (pathetic as to make his current claim to substitute its policy as a 'civil society'). It has created a situation somewhat similar to that of Venice at the time. So there are conditions for it to recur an experiment in intellectual leadership matrix. The Gramsci has for some time dynamics of a presidency, and although it is difficult to see Carlo Galli, today, a replica of Cacciari then, is also true that there could start to spur beat, project work, involvement and aggregation on the intellectual ladder from the town which lead to the expected change. If party politics is in crisis, when the category system languishes in the decline of consociativismo, is a generic 'civil society' that need to seek solutions. But in taking responsibility of the intellectual work. Back to Lenin, and a core elite of his thought. Starting again from the head. Illuminated by a vanguard. And then look for any solution to help.

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I ‘cattolici’ e il Pd. Con Uffa finale.

they say, here and there, that this time, with regional, many will vote the list but not the names. It seems that the idea is particularly popular with some of the cd. 'Catholic' the Democratic Party. A proposal disturbing, seeing where it comes from. Was an ex-communist Old to speak there would be nothing to worry about. I, for one, and until old age, I had the habit of giving preference votes. I found the costume too much like 'Democrat'. While the list vote, the party that is just, it was a noble moral act. You vote for this idea, maybe politics. What is and is. Not the person, however, is transient, limited by definition to replace. Here, however, seem intent in different fields. Not a healthy / patient refusal of 'personalism', but the 'people' in the house list. A threat. A ventilation moral blackmail. The prelude, as a last resort, to a farewell party. In fact, there traffic is being made towards the UDC. In elections in 2008, as noted, several votes were passed by the Democratic Party-Olive UDC, to replace a stream of similar importance to the UDC oriented PDL. Clear signs of a marked shift to the right of the vote 'Catholic'. E 'in pursuit of these votes that Rutelli has packed up, soon followed by a procession of widespread political class. So, after the vote, a movement of the political class. The 'Catholic' back to the center. That is, leave the left. Maybe you want to re-ally with it, but from a position of strength. By imposing the 'rent' of the center. With the result for the PD of a dilemma: an alliance with this 'center' (still largely virtual) preventing phagocytosis right, or fight it as a sign of pollution? That translated into votes means: if they lose more by doing good or bad face to the game? The Democratic Party has chosen the first alternative. And it's not likely he had other. The results we will see them after the regional. Yet the theme of 'Catholic' ('adults', as has been described as the most important, that Romano Prodi) has a thickness much larger than a glimpse of the movement of fugitives. The PD would mean a double movement: the meeting of the 'Catholic Democrats' with his left hand, and a new model of integration, in which a number of memberships would be dissolved in the new identity. There is a term that connotes the Hegelian vocabulary precisely this process: Aufhebung. Literally, "to lift off." In the dialectic process the third time, the speculative stage, or positive-rational, or reconciliation with the abstract universal (Enc.C, § 79). The final output was to be the self-identity of the constituents in an identity that can encompass them at a higher level. So were born the 'democratic', with no more adjectives, inmates, at most, if persistent, the inner sphere of existential biography. That is 'secular'. Substances resulted in the democratic alchemy was the crucible where they were to merge the traditions of the noble metal constituents: the spirit of discipline, organization, instances of collective emancipation, moral profiles of socialism, that is, as sediment from the experience of Communism Italian (and Emilia) and theoretical significance (transcendental) and the practicalities of 'communitarian personalism' of Christian origin, with its wealth of life-worlds of 'social private'. In the framework of the renewed constitutional pact with his liberalism socially oriented. A welfare with the soul, the organization more autonomy community, discipline and democratic competition, the more participation in policy setting, a market 'social', not corporations but even atomized. A party-programmatic political pluralism, not a patchwork of sectarian tribes late-ideological, that is post-ideological. This Aufhebung, hainoi, is far from coming. For many complex reasons, and so far have swept the 'perverse effects' and 'conditioned reflexes'. A tradition persists as empty bureaucracy, autoterefernza, icy composition and balance of powers, the other representing them as resonant and anarchic individualism, a small corporate meeting and notability. It so happens to hear about non-compliance, the lists of 'sensitivity' plural. As the composition of a list and its dosage harlequinesque (actually a 'bone' of fish, even decomposed) could substitute for the Aufhebung is not there. They say the DS and comes out the remnants of an apparatus of solidarity once powerful and respected. It says 'Catholic' and come out of Tom, Dick and Harry. All the little finger up to claim the license 'authentic' the real Catholic. Yeah, because when there is one, if it represents Vattelapesca the 'Catholic'. This was the rest of the Margherita, a permanent assembly of notables and quarrelsome and aspiring, always called in the preparation of lists. One foot in the 'social private', the memory in young parish, the other foot in politics. Two legs. With balls (unfortunately ours) shot. At the end of the list

(regional) remains what it is. If it is unattractive, it would have been if it had even less cause for this request 'pluralization' of the various noumena (and phenomena) that wander onto the scene. So rest academically. Was not for me, that incarnation of the universal hypothesis megalomenica abstract, the list would have made out like this:

1. subdivision of the federal territory into three areas (among other things, granted the election of the candidate Imola, the most perfect 'farms closed', three are in preparation for the eligible): Plain City, the hill-mountain

2. startup procedures for the participation territorialized (primary, consultations, meetings of members). Wide freedom of methods, but with the sole purpose of an effective synthesis scale territorial

3. formation of the head of a list of three 'regional leader', each for the area of \u200b\u200bapplicability, representative for the strength of the bonds held with the land and fit for use for any expertise on a regional scale;

4. commitment to support the head of the party list system, allowing free movement to the support staff (from current, sensitivity, social worlds, if any, and so on ...)

5. constraint imperative for candidates to sign, if elected, a significant portion of their salaries to the party.

simple model, as we see, and perhaps enlightened amateur, but with a double purpose: a.

Retrieve the logic being that went tragically lost with the single name porcellum, but negligently suffered by a Pd; looking for 'value added' territorial integrity and accountability of elected representatives in front of an electorate not the abstract universality sublimated in the party, but geographically limited,

b. Give a signal of counter-trend at least towards the more mundane side, but visible as ever in times of severe financial hardship, the cd. 'Caste'. I remained a Marxist, that is, among so many noble souls, a narrow materialistic. At the end of the social being determines human behavior. Climb the peak ideals should be lighter.

For the rest who wants to leave, go where the bears ass. The pruned tree is known, grows best. It 's true that the rule rather liked the old Dzhugashvili. But there is a difference with that shady past. The Georgian shouldering his shears. Amputations (especially the good parts). Here, pruning is an individual choice. Auto-pruning. That is already a step that Providence, with its Hegelian rationality, provides to the self-overcoming. Aufbeschneiden (which I do not know if there is in German) pending dell'Aufheben. With Aufatmen end (literally draw a sigh of relief). Auffe!

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Il piccolo 5 Piovoso di Bolokistan

There are situations that are captured at time t zero, the first time, that the pressure of economic trends to infinity, all polish. There are some notes that should be fixed. Departure. And on arrival.

The first is what happens on the night of February 4 ('Rainy', in the Jacobin calendar), at around 23. An SMS message Page signed by Giuseppe Cremonesi assessors come to the junta Delbono: "Dearest / tomorrow morning at 10:30 am on Feb. 5 is called a junta extraordinary. Odg. Mayor's announcements. Thanks, sorry time. Good night. " A boil of items that have crossed during the day with some clarity portend what may be incurred in colander: the withdrawal of the resignation of Mayor. Resignation mysteriously dates immediately following repeated statements of strong resistance (even with a 'trial') and now withdraw definitions shall apply. Who pushes the hypothesis - a hypothesis in itself is not entirely farfetched - are not the political forces of the coalition. Which, in case they could also use the card as a wildcard to run on the end table. And thus the other hand, is subtracted. But a consortium of business interests and corporate as well as 'moral', is evident from the way that some involvement of the Curia itself, led by the Board of Manufacturers. The motive is not wholly prosaic: the city to avoid the paralysis that goes exactly looms up in those hours, a along receivership. But the 'finger on the city', you see, oh yes, behind the 'mad'. A non-political initiative, therefore, that passes over the heads of political parties, and it is easy to imagine the outcome: a Mayor 'prêt à porter'. With the parties in tow and with a heavy 'hat': a concert of at least part of local interests 'count'. It 'a kind of small' shot of City Hall '. It's kept alive a sort of civic empty and devoid of all legitimacy in and redefine themselves in the process of factual claims and the actuators. 'Good night', in fact. The city really comes in buio. Da un lato l’iniziativa della destra che tende a stremarla/umiliarla. Dall’altro un insieme di interessi societari che mira a insinuarsi nel vuoto politico. Prendendo la mano nottetempo. Sostituendosi a un Pd paralizzato dagli eventi e sotto choc. Come è finita si sa: l’iniziativa di Delbono & company è presto rintuzzata dalla minaccia di un suo diretto ri-dimissionamento da parte del gruppo consiliare. E tuttavia il fatto, questo piccolo 5 piovoso, resta notevole. Foriero di sviluppi. Ancora adesso, in questo strenuo agitarsi della stimata Camera di Commercio, il concerto supremo delle ‘categorie’, e in questa nella pelosa malleveria di Casini presso il governo (e finanche Berlusconi in persona), non è difficile intravedere un filo rosso dove molte cose si legano. E qui bisogna guardare un attimo indietro.



Il Bolokistan non è nato oggi. E’ un pezzo di società materiale che è vissuto all’ombra dei partiti e che si è poi progressivamente autonomizzato. Associazioni rappresentative di ceti medi, commercianti, artigiani, libere professioni, di imprese, cooperative, fondazioni bancarie, ecc. Tutto un milieu. Società civile ‘concreta’, in grado di dettare tempi e modalità della governance. Con una intrinseca attitudine alla redistribuzione e con un interesse tutto ‘barocco’ alla preservazione dello status quo e degli interessi di ceto. Nella lontana crisi del Pds, nel ’99, this concert was immediately understood the scope of the 'project' civic Guazzaloca. A man, not applicable, 'guilds', released by her own breasts, whose purpose was precisely to 'unstick' the system of interest dall'ingombrante primacy of the left. The pragmatism instead of ideology, minimalism faber in place of dreams. The adhesive sealant as the true interests of social cohesion. System sticky, gelatinous, it seems. Which make the rest of the city. Reduced to tinsel: popular participation, the political parties. This concert had just suffered the departure of glorious Guazzaloca Meadow in 2004. He had turned up their noses, and bocca, di fronte a Cofferati. L’ingombrante giacobino venuto da fuori. Il quale Cofferati gli aveva reso la pariglia, mettendone gli interpreti in un angolo e infliggendo loro ogni sorta di fustigazione. Senza tuttavia riuscire, per ragioni che un giorno, forse, dovrebbe lui stesso spiegarci, a costruire una egemonia alternativa alla degenerazione del ‘modello consociativo’. Tanto è vero che Egli non riesce a impedire il crearsi di una commistione tonale fra ‘interessi forti’ e società ‘debole’ che nutre aspettative di partecipazione. Non passa giorno che uno dei membri di questi due mondi, a turno, non tuoni sulle pagine della stampa cittadina (e di Repubblica in particolare, il cui Direttore adesso predica so well that soon he becomes the megaphone almost exclusively). Social cohesion vilified, the city project went to the beach, sharing violated, as the political coalition, the good councilors ignored, disdained the interests, expectations as the last of the committees, and even the good feelings. In fact, here is the fault of Cofferati: not just in having hit the target, but not being able to build an alternative.

E 'in this context that the operation should be placed in nomination Delbono. Now Bonacini apologize. And it is an act of courage that must be emphasized. He arrived after the rest. Not a factor. Caronna stoically takes blame. He, however, beside the point. But, beyond rhetorical positions, is the post-transition Cofferati that should be clarified in the aspects of substance. The political mandate under which the nomination Delbono advanced teaching is clear: mend Cofferati where he had 'broken'. For some the 'balls' of coalitional parties and their habits, for others the nerves of citizens, in need of listening, reassurance and symbolic identifiers, for others still, the slurs of 'interests', their voice on the choices that matter and together, their balance and mutual convenience. On this program, many find themselves. Almost all. For policy-makers the choice was to some extent required. Apart from the reluctance subjective, too risky to venture to succeed where he failed Cofferati. In the role of Caronna, Errani and others, few would have chosen another road. That is the agreement with prodiana component: the most exposed to the center, where it came from the threat. They were likely to 'slip'. As had happened in '99. The problem is to understand what were the proportions and measures of this agreement, the limits are not exceeded. That is, the political scope and project governance. What the events of the little 5 Rainy seem to emphasize is that these limits, if there had been exceeded, and with considerable autonomy. Maybe well beyond the availability of contractors of the pact. Too shameless gratification returned by a certain envelope of interest, not to think that the gelatinous mass was condensed around a 'center' compelling as ever. That this 'center' or 'milieu', he found, in other words, your Mayor. Closed

here, for now, the discourse. Advance some of the themes of the subsequent reflections. Among these, the 'issue' of Catholics in the Democratic Party. Where I can easily find more than one link with the picture described. Which is also the question of the relationship to hold with this 'center'. My impression is that with the failure of the operation Delbono, its local autonomy of action is greatly increased. It will tend to occupy the ganglia of political life ....

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Masters forum tried again.

For the evening:

Friday, February 12 at 20:30

Hall Passepartout Via Galliera 25

title of the evening:

Politics and Society:

two parallel universes, one crisis

With two brief introductions issues (under twenty minutes):

Fausto Anderlini:

Bologna's case and the Democratic Party. Check the depth on the surface

Caesar Minghini:

The economic crisis and the problems of social representation

Remember the semi-clandestine meeting convened in the basement of the Casa del Popolo "Spartacus"?

was May 13, 2009. After repeated electoral defeats and the resignation of the Democratic Party had desperately stranded Veltroni. Carried the primaries in Bologna, we started in local elections without zest and a low profile. It was a nice discussion, which ended with a proposal:

"Make a forum to exit the cul de sac"

Since then non ci sono stati più incontri. L’amministrazione cittadina sembrava procedere secondo il suo corso. Il Pd è andato alle primarie che hanno incoronato Bersani. I master-forum sono stati presi dalle loro faccende. Cesare Minghini si è concentrato nell’editazione di una bella rivista sindacale (ERE), Anderlini è malinconicamente veleggiato a Terlingua (deserto del Texas).

Fare un forum, infatti, costa fatica. Ecco adesso è uno di quei momenti dove questa fatica bisogna farla, anche se non se ne ha voglia. Perciò, dopo quanto è successo a Bologna, ricominciamo...

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HYBRIS

Come spiegare il voltafaccia del Pdl e dei suoi tirapiedi ? Darsi da fare per la città, portandola al voto il più presto possibile, sembrava un'occasione egemonica servita su un piatto d'argento. Porre rimedio dove altri avevano fallito. E invece no. Commissario sino al 2011. La città di Bologna, una delle più dinamiche aree metropolitane del sistema Italia, la capitale di una regione fra le prime in Europa, trattata come Canicattì Bagni o un comune della Locride. In realtà per analizzare le mosse della destra non si può ricorrere alla razionalità ordinaria, ovvero alla logica spassionata ed oggettiva. I comportamenti politici sono sempre una mescolanza di elementi razionali e libidici. Non c'è da stupirsi che sia stato Cicchitto to dictate the refrain, which are quickly queued local minions, from a Berselli Cazzola, remain what they had said only hours before. A Craxi of P2, full of hatred and resentment, like many of his associates. A man moved not by political ideals, the spirit of revenge. Eager to impose on others the shame which was the sign that his master (Craxi). To remove the plug is stuck in the flesh of others, enjoying the pain caused. It 's the case of what the Greek tragedy as indicated Hybris: arrogance, excess, abuse of power. In this respect, the commissioner of Bologna (and not for the P2 case is coming back ...) is a kind of 'bomb-year-old' launched on the city, to destroy the fabric Civil (object of hatred and envy). Exact equivalent of the bomb 80 was launched on August 2 at the station. Deface the city as a whole. A crime against the community. The motive is the same as then: hatred. The tactics of the right moves from this hubris, this existential perception of the 'enemy' to kill / humiliate. Bologna the red. The firm, its thriving manufacturing, social services. Laugh at, songs, crease. Desertified hardening civil. And then, once pulled down his defenses, capture it, putting it in bags. In the face of all this requires a civil onset. I hate hate calls. Humiliation called pride. No pasaran.

Yugioh Gx The Duel Of Academy Gameshark

Piccoli annali

In a recent post Zani (the friend found) has pointed to a reader asking him to take the field that was the time when he felt the pride vibrate to offer as a candidate for Mayor: 2004, 's Cofferati year. I read this sentence and grants of a survey that I served privately to the then secretary of the DS (Salvatore Caronna). Poll of October 2002, just beyond the medium term of Guazzaloca. At the time I was not disgraced and I often were required performance opinion polls. To which I replied conscientiously and free style 'excellent' relations. All for the assessment of clients with low numbers and to relate thoughts (and often both). Here, in Astanteria - always for the purpose of a public / private between me and Zani exciting precisely because it totally useless - I would like to propose some excerpts of that detection. In fact it had tested some virtual duels between different hypotheses of candidates for the center-left and Giorgio Guazzaloca. Remember, for the reader, the political scene at that time. A half term Guazzaloca shown to have very little momentum. As enjoyed a degree of consensus, the honeymoon 'civic' was very pale. At the same time also the center-left hobbled, just back from the defeat of 2001. In public opinion on the left, moreover, already crazy Briscolone application. That time coincided with Bersani (and would later come unexpectedly Cofferati). As the reader can infer from the data in hospitalized Astanteria Zani was not badly placed, but Prodi (win, also because of the fact that people thought of the Roman Empire) and Riccomini (surprisingly) had a better chance. In summary, as I wrote in the conclusions, Zani was not behind a strand of opinion so strong that it outperforms all risks. Purely party candidate with a profile, its application could only be sustained with a strong contribution of the party / coalition. At that time there was also because the experience of regional Zani had waned in failure of the Congress of Pesaro in coincidence. Men party, but quite isolated. Perhaps he could rejoin the game as an out-sider primarily. However, it is fantastoria. Then the primaries, there had been, would have been towed from the party. Much more than what would have happened later. A Bartolini a, Cevenini with a side dish. In the case - here - I am convinced that Zani would be proud enough to let it go (as indeed it did in '99). As they went to finish things is history. Cofferati hoisted on building Accursio with rage, not so much by a wave election (there were defections to 5%), but ideological and charismatic. Zani in Europe (I was naughty, I would say that there Zani could have done a sin of pride, anche utile, malgrado il rischio, per investimenti futuri; ma non lo fece). Comunque sia Zani resta per me il migliore candidato sindaco del '99, e visto come sono andate le cose, anche del 2004. Siamo gente con un grande futuro alle spalle. O un grande passato davanti. Triste fardello dell'età. Non so quale scompiglio/divertissement potrebbe generare un ritorno al Pd di Zani. Se la federazione Pd fosse eguale a quella tardo Ds, sarebbe sicuramente intrigante. Ma il Pd, malgrado abbia incorporato/cumulato molti dei vecchi vizi dei fondatori, è davvero altra cosa. E' un organismo spugnoso, così ricco di micro-soggettività superficiali, da fregarsene del tutto di quelle dotate di un qualche spessore. Anch'io sono stato mandato a ramengo da un pezzo. E non è che avessi grandi ambizioni. Del resto manca perfino l'affinità linguistica. In ogni caso, siccome sono di corte vedute, penso anch'io che ci sarebbe bisogno di una sinistra. Certo intelligente. Non nel 'paese', però, bensì nel Pd (che resta l'unico mezzo, per quanto malandato, per agganciare quel che resta del paese). Se liberato dei demoni mnemonici (e mi rendo conto quanto sia difficile, quando è una delle poche cose che ti restano) Zani potrebbe dare sicuramente - come si diceva una volta - un 'contributo positivo'. So già, tuttavia, che qui farà peccato d'orgoglio. Con me è facile....

Can I Cut Laminate Flooring With Stanley Knife

Cambio di gioco

Uscendo for a moment by the mystical atmosphere of Terlingua me think (looks a bit ') to' candidate '. The problems - it is true - are elsewhere. In the project, identity, alliances, social policies and so on. etc.. Nevertheless, we must field a candidate. That its passage, even the possible defeat, somewhere in this 'elsewhere'. Moving on. With a phase change. Trunc! In the previous post I wrote that a party 'serious' would make choices, refraining from hiding behind the methodologies. If this requirement is lacking, there is nothing to draw assumptions of school, as if there really was such a party. Looking at what you see for now, it's hard to avoid a situation all'impresione comically bleak. It did with the primaries that passes the monastery would be a show down shades grotesque. The people of the working chamber should be lined up in favor of Campagnoli (secretary of the CGIL fifteen years ago ... I miss the reason why managers normally so reluctant to join the 'debate' policy, have decided to put their feet all of a shot ....). That cooperation should crowding behind his Massarenti (Sita being rolled out to unexpected retirement from the cheek of the big head). The artisans behind Sangalli. That of the bar (Ciccio) Andrea Costa and the curve would result in his shoulder CEV. We can imagine many other contenders, but it's easy to tell who the winner would be di così elevata tenzone. La precipitazione al punto zelig.

Woody Allen nei panni del colonello Sanders, su cui si basa il personaggio di Zelig, che possedeva una misteriosa abilità per essere presenti a tutti gli eventi storicamente significativi: l'invasione della Normandia, la firma della Magna Charta, il D-Day, e, sopra, la firma del trattato di Versailles alla fine della prima guerra mondiale.



Risultato: un Pd 'Druso', letteralmente liquefatto nel suo elettorato. Completamente libanizzato lungo le filieres degli interessi e delle sottocordate. Un partito letteralmente disciolto nel 'partito unico delle primarie'. Come tale perfettamente anarchico e darwiniano. Uomini rispettabili, beninteso, quelli citati, che sarei anche disposto a votare/sostenere ove la spuntassero (a parte Sangalli, quello proprio no...). Ma certo 'sostituibili', bandiere un poco stinte e ordinarie di truppe più o meno volatili. Certo sperimentati. Nel senso che ciò che potevano dare di 'straordinario' l'hanno dato. Nel bene come nel male. Dentro una storia talmente conosciuta da diventare domestica. Su altra sponda, non è che desti entusiasmo il corteo avviato da Repubblica dalle parti di Via Gerusalemme. Oddio, se il Briscolone accettasse l'invito all'atto d'amore (ma cosa siamo, al melodramma ?), tutti in riga. Successo garantito. La mia impressione però è this procession, with its whining maitres a penser (Balzanelli and de Plato), is very sad (and also not doing a great service to Prodi). Whining behind Prodi, evoked as a pater familiae, even had Guazzaloca, extreme support quell'accomodamento powers and conveniences which Delbono interpreter was unfortunate, however, declare that it is tantamount to the fruit, with the result of filling with 'ardent enemies. Neither was very intelligent look trembling UDC, thickening the balance, with the coat of arms to forget that tasty, well beyond its size.

We are in the realm of things trite, del deja vu. Sparigliare, bisognerebbe. Cambiare schema. Niente primarie, e comunque nessuna ridicola resa dei conti fra i soliti noti. Tutti un passo indietro. E avanti una persona giovane, iscritta o di area. Giovane di spirito, per capacità energetiche, neanche tanto per l'anagrafe. Di qualità intellettuale riconosciuta e che già abbia dato qualche prova, anche solo potenziale, di combattente. Con idee innovative, specie in materia ambientale. Comunque decisamente estraneo alle baruffe che conosciamo così bene. Ecco quel Segré, in via 'astrattamente empirica', tanto per citare un fac-simile, non sarebbe una ipotesi da scartare. E si potrebbe anche soprassedere sul fatto che un tipo come Di Pietro (e il suo corteo sotto le mura even more sad than others) we have put the hat on.