Today we do not have pictures of the bottom wafers but the work continues ...
This means a lot to us.
Tuesday, August 31, 2010
Friday, August 27, 2010
Belly Button Line Laser
Pd e Coop, cosa c’è dietro le baruffe d’agosto
There is a lightness imponderable in this scuffle Bologna who opposes the Democratic Party to the Coop. Pressed individuals were at work as a undeciphered claustrophobia and for this endeavor in every way to leave the place that unites them. The object of the dispute is unclear. You can see the Coop that flaunt desertion (uniquely) by a known party, claimed in the name of autonomy, however, that it is not clear by whom and where it is threatened. It's rumored that the immediate cause of so much loud despite having to do with the lack of respect reserved for the Democratic Party to Sita: a prestigious chief co-operative that would see retired well as mayoral candidate. It 'easy to see that if things were really so we would be facing not an injured party's autonomy, but to a claim of co-op in a direct way to influence policy. A reversal of roles literally sensational. In the past, the golden era of the insulted 'transmission belt', was in fact the party that appointed the directors of the Coop, but rather the coop here would want to appoint the Mayor. Party (PD) weak, strong Coop. Better: 'arrogant', exceeding the physiological and social economic power of lobbying.
only fault of this unprecedented hubris of the coop, then? Perhaps the story is a little more complex, and here we would like to give some light, citing data and contexts to which litigants seem to forget negligently. Look at these two figures, taken from a ponderosa survey research (7,000 interviews) conducted in 2008 by Medec on political participation in the districts of Bologna.
The first figure shows the organizations that have chosen to indicate how, in the course of the year for their participation. The card 'member cooperatives', unlike any credit card, gives a sense of belonging and identity. You notice it the absolute primacy of consumer cooperatives (23%), and to follow the deep roots of the trade unions (13.6%), as part of a holding with large forms and articulated, that overall, involving almost half of citizens.
Figure No.1: Members or participants (in the year, in%) associations. Multiple answers were possible. Source: Medec 2008. (Click image for enlarged view) The second figure
measure trust (measured in votes) devoted to different subjects: economic, social, moral and institutional. Here we see the absolute primacy of the consumer cooperatives. As many as 73 people to 100 (with only 16 in an adverse position, or rejection) give the coop a vote of promoting, among other things with a huge significance of the high grades (7 to 10). Below are the multi-utility services (Hera, ATC, etc..) With 65.6% of promotions, and immediately behind the small imprese con il 62,3. A stretto tallonamento il comune di Bologna si classifica buon quarto con il 60,2 delle promozioni. A seguire il resto. Questa graduatoria conferma la peculiarità storica della società bolognese, centrata su un triangolo fiduciario assai forte (e stando ai dati per nulla scalfito): le coop (ovvero l’economia sociale), le piccole imprese (cioè il protagonismo imprenditoriale diffuso), le istituzioni locali (Comune e multiutility) a rappresentare il Welfare locale e la politica.
Figura n.2: Voti tributati ad alcuni soggetti economico-sociali, morali e istituzionali (voti da 1 a 10, in % sul complesso degli intervistati. Fonte MeDeC 2008). (cliccare sull'immagine per visionarla ingrandita)
These figures tell us what has supported the participation and membership is recognized by the people as the 'Emilian model' and, within it the leading role assigned to co-ops (especially those worn down vehicle real-world image cooperative). In a historic moment, as is known, and in a country (Italy), in which many bonds tend to trust berserk!
But what supports this 'model' integrating the different parts? Considering all the possible variables of influence, we find that there is one able to explain by itself the entire system of relations. And 'the autocollocazione policy to the left of the respondents, namely the 'political culture' filed in a particular area, however broad, of the population. The following box provides a stylization of these empirical determinations. There is a strong interaction between the participation in associations and trust in the institutions of the 'Emilian model'. Trust in institutions is also interlinked with the 'trust in others', ie the opening of solidarity towards others. But it is being left to the trust that supports both participation, integrating the various parts of the model. Perhaps the party, the coop (so-called 'red in particular), but also the trade unions (CGIL, in first of all) have forgotten. But in the perception of people trample the same ground. There are anchored by the 'political culture' that still dwells in the population. From there, the PD takes most of his votes, and the prestige enjoyed by coop (along with an extensive clientele that participant). It is doubtful if the permanent abandonment of ancestral land in search of intriguing new clientele will bring luck, is the Democratic Party than to the coop. It 's true that there are other worlds (and forms of participation) which can not be neglected, although they are often a critical relationship with the' historical model '. Just as it is true that there is also the right people who do not despise the coop. But that company would be crazy to earn a share of marginal customers neo-ruining (or leads to disaffection) a much larger crowd that is identified with the brand.
Figure # 3: The "Emilia model". (Click image for enlarged view)
Yet hainoi!, This unfortunate inclination seems widespread. The Democratic Party was born in 'the realm of politics', abstracting programmatically by social actors in which were historically innervated the leftist forces. Or, which is the same thing, putting all the social worlds in the same subject equidistance. He renounced that to define their own contacts and renewed methods the social roots. A party totus politicus. And the results are good! The Coop, as is their responsibility (for a thorough review by ad hoc) have moved in exactly the mirror. In the name of 'autonomy' proclaimed at every turn are also slowly (but also with some jumps) in a dimension in which all parties are placed at similar spacing. As the party is inclined to ignore their social contacts, so the coop behave with respect to 'political reference'. Sure we need new ways of relating, not being able to resurrect the old. But the relationship! Not strangeness. That is updated forms of 'community' as people want and in his naive generosity, still imagines it to be. Without which the common ground is sfarinerà, and stakeholders will remain hanging on nothing, each lost in his own benefit. Ungrounded from the old world, and unable to define the new. Barney in the beginning are the symptom of a neurosis. That is an unsolved problem. Which has the same center, even if everyone looks at him on his side. If this ridiculous and futile controversy Agostani become an excuse to open up minds freed by the heat and confusion of this debate, then it will come something unexpectedly useful. The PD should invite the co-op at the Festival, and the Coop should participate in mass (the red but also white). Ma per parlare esattamente di questo. Di fronte alla generosa giuria del ‘popolo della festa’. A seguire: i sindacati (con la Cgil in testa), l’arci, le bocciofile, i bar, le società sportive…. Il popolo che avanza, dall’ingresso di Via Stalingrado, come nel celeberrimo Pellizza da Volpedo. 
There is a lightness imponderable in this scuffle Bologna who opposes the Democratic Party to the Coop. Pressed individuals were at work as a undeciphered claustrophobia and for this endeavor in every way to leave the place that unites them. The object of the dispute is unclear. You can see the Coop that flaunt desertion (uniquely) by a known party, claimed in the name of autonomy, however, that it is not clear by whom and where it is threatened. It's rumored that the immediate cause of so much loud despite having to do with the lack of respect reserved for the Democratic Party to Sita: a prestigious chief co-operative that would see retired well as mayoral candidate. It 'easy to see that if things were really so we would be facing not an injured party's autonomy, but to a claim of co-op in a direct way to influence policy. A reversal of roles literally sensational. In the past, the golden era of the insulted 'transmission belt', was in fact the party that appointed the directors of the Coop, but rather the coop here would want to appoint the Mayor. Party (PD) weak, strong Coop. Better: 'arrogant', exceeding the physiological and social economic power of lobbying.
only fault of this unprecedented hubris of the coop, then? Perhaps the story is a little more complex, and here we would like to give some light, citing data and contexts to which litigants seem to forget negligently. Look at these two figures, taken from a ponderosa survey research (7,000 interviews) conducted in 2008 by Medec on political participation in the districts of Bologna.
The first figure shows the organizations that have chosen to indicate how, in the course of the year for their participation. The card 'member cooperatives', unlike any credit card, gives a sense of belonging and identity. You notice it the absolute primacy of consumer cooperatives (23%), and to follow the deep roots of the trade unions (13.6%), as part of a holding with large forms and articulated, that overall, involving almost half of citizens.
Figure No.1: Members or participants (in the year, in%) associations. Multiple answers were possible. Source: Medec 2008. (Click image for enlarged view) The second figure
measure trust (measured in votes) devoted to different subjects: economic, social, moral and institutional. Here we see the absolute primacy of the consumer cooperatives. As many as 73 people to 100 (with only 16 in an adverse position, or rejection) give the coop a vote of promoting, among other things with a huge significance of the high grades (7 to 10). Below are the multi-utility services (Hera, ATC, etc..) With 65.6% of promotions, and immediately behind the small imprese con il 62,3. A stretto tallonamento il comune di Bologna si classifica buon quarto con il 60,2 delle promozioni. A seguire il resto. Questa graduatoria conferma la peculiarità storica della società bolognese, centrata su un triangolo fiduciario assai forte (e stando ai dati per nulla scalfito): le coop (ovvero l’economia sociale), le piccole imprese (cioè il protagonismo imprenditoriale diffuso), le istituzioni locali (Comune e multiutility) a rappresentare il Welfare locale e la politica.
Figura n.2: Voti tributati ad alcuni soggetti economico-sociali, morali e istituzionali (voti da 1 a 10, in % sul complesso degli intervistati. Fonte MeDeC 2008). (cliccare sull'immagine per visionarla ingrandita)
These figures tell us what has supported the participation and membership is recognized by the people as the 'Emilian model' and, within it the leading role assigned to co-ops (especially those worn down vehicle real-world image cooperative). In a historic moment, as is known, and in a country (Italy), in which many bonds tend to trust berserk!
But what supports this 'model' integrating the different parts? Considering all the possible variables of influence, we find that there is one able to explain by itself the entire system of relations. And 'the autocollocazione policy to the left of the respondents, namely the 'political culture' filed in a particular area, however broad, of the population. The following box provides a stylization of these empirical determinations. There is a strong interaction between the participation in associations and trust in the institutions of the 'Emilian model'. Trust in institutions is also interlinked with the 'trust in others', ie the opening of solidarity towards others. But it is being left to the trust that supports both participation, integrating the various parts of the model. Perhaps the party, the coop (so-called 'red in particular), but also the trade unions (CGIL, in first of all) have forgotten. But in the perception of people trample the same ground. There are anchored by the 'political culture' that still dwells in the population. From there, the PD takes most of his votes, and the prestige enjoyed by coop (along with an extensive clientele that participant). It is doubtful if the permanent abandonment of ancestral land in search of intriguing new clientele will bring luck, is the Democratic Party than to the coop. It 's true that there are other worlds (and forms of participation) which can not be neglected, although they are often a critical relationship with the' historical model '. Just as it is true that there is also the right people who do not despise the coop. But that company would be crazy to earn a share of marginal customers neo-ruining (or leads to disaffection) a much larger crowd that is identified with the brand.
Figure # 3: The "Emilia model". (Click image for enlarged view)
Yet hainoi!, This unfortunate inclination seems widespread. The Democratic Party was born in 'the realm of politics', abstracting programmatically by social actors in which were historically innervated the leftist forces. Or, which is the same thing, putting all the social worlds in the same subject equidistance. He renounced that to define their own contacts and renewed methods the social roots. A party totus politicus. And the results are good! The Coop, as is their responsibility (for a thorough review by ad hoc) have moved in exactly the mirror. In the name of 'autonomy' proclaimed at every turn are also slowly (but also with some jumps) in a dimension in which all parties are placed at similar spacing. As the party is inclined to ignore their social contacts, so the coop behave with respect to 'political reference'. Sure we need new ways of relating, not being able to resurrect the old. But the relationship! Not strangeness. That is updated forms of 'community' as people want and in his naive generosity, still imagines it to be. Without which the common ground is sfarinerà, and stakeholders will remain hanging on nothing, each lost in his own benefit. Ungrounded from the old world, and unable to define the new. Barney in the beginning are the symptom of a neurosis. That is an unsolved problem. Which has the same center, even if everyone looks at him on his side. If this ridiculous and futile controversy Agostani become an excuse to open up minds freed by the heat and confusion of this debate, then it will come something unexpectedly useful. The PD should invite the co-op at the Festival, and the Coop should participate in mass (the red but also white). Ma per parlare esattamente di questo. Di fronte alla generosa giuria del ‘popolo della festa’. A seguire: i sindacati (con la Cgil in testa), l’arci, le bocciofile, i bar, le società sportive…. Il popolo che avanza, dall’ingresso di Via Stalingrado, come nel celeberrimo Pellizza da Volpedo.
Wednesday, August 18, 2010
Monday, August 16, 2010
Pokemon Gold Cheats Emulatour
Il gioco delle tre carte
Richiamo, per chi lo desideri, l'indirizzo delle mie discusse considerazioni pubblicate sul sito della Dire http://www.dire.it/DIRE-EMILIA-ROMAGNA/sondaggio_a.php?c=33265&m=14&l=it
e sviluppo alcuni chiarimenti.
Riassumo la discussione ferragostana sull’apertura al ‘centro’. Non prima di Clarification.
The estimated contribution of the followers of Guazzaloca a center-left had not expanded as the purpose of sawing anything (as he wrote mischievously Courier). He responded to a purely quantitative kind of personal curiosity. As often happens, of all the comments there is one that has focused on the reliability of numbers and their meaning. Apart from the empirical validity of the survey (on which, obviously, put my hand on fire), it is logically reasonable estimate of 3%? I think so. Just look at the trend and develop some evaluation. The
'99. In '99 (first round) was Guazzaloca 104,571 votes (41.5%). The right-wing candidates, all considered (ie Guazzaloca, Ruocco, Pasquini and Poli), touched the 48% approximately. An extraordinary figure, never touched the city. Even considering the falling rate of turnout. The surveys showed that flow at least 5% of voters were passed to Your Ds Bologna. The reason for the debacle that has left much debating: the inadequacy of the candidate, the infighting within the Ds, repeated errors, the division left, the discontent arose during the tenure Vitali etc. Here should be added to the grounds of a general nature usually neglected, but no less important: the fall of consent, the concerns and disappointments in militant and electoral base of the Olive and the DS, as well as the deaf hostilities against the government emerged D'Alema. Without the shock generated by the Serb-Kosovo war, without the concerns generated by the statements on the eve of the vote by D'Alema for pension reform, without the spirit of revenge prodiani cultivated by the fall of Prodi, with the creation of the donkey, the City would hardly changed hands, well considering all the causes of local character. In summary Guazzaloca won as much as was left to win a set of congiuranti will (and converging from the left, center, from the inside) and operating on several levels (local and national). The Bologna's head was in a sense, the price charged to the ambition of the government of D'Alema and the DS.
2004. In 2004 it suffered a heavy defeat by Cofferati. However, his personal performance and coalitional was not negligible. Regained, in substance, the same absolute ratings of the first round '99 (103,281, 40.7%). Despite a partial return of votes left to the right had a good grip, even considering the current climate of political debate to rule against it (the Berlusconi government had entered into an often long shadow). A portion of the votes that were passed from the left in the middle remained hooked to Guazzaloca (besides the fact they had prodiani mostra di grande entusiasmo all’arrivo di Cofferati, come dimostrato dal fatto che subito s’impegnarono, alleandosi con la sinistra radicale, in un’aspra guerriglia ai suoi danni). Cofferati vinse grazie soprattutto alla sua capacità di coalizzare ai Ds l’elettorato di sinistra scontento. Scontentezza, però, che riprese presto il sopravvento.
Il 2009. Anno nel quale si consuma il destino di Guazzaloca come leader di un più vasto arco di forze. Correndo da solo aggrega solo 28.785 voti, pari al 12,7 %. Perde clamorosamente le ‘primarie’ con Cazzola. Al secondo turno almeno il 60 % dei suoi sostenitori si sposta sul candidato della destra, pure in assenza di indicazioni di voto da parte di Guazzaloca. A sinistra il candidato Delbono mostra scarso appeal, tanto è vero che rimane al di sotto del voto della coalizione e deve andare al ballottaggio. Se il ‘centro’ civico implode ed è in maggior parte riassorbito dalla destra, la sinistra si sfrangia di nuovo. Le liste ‘alternative’ (guidate da Favia, Pasquino, Monteventi, Tedde e Terra) toccano nel complesso quasi l’8 % dei voti. Una cifra destinata ad ampliarsi con la performances di grillini alle regionali del 2010.
Riassumiamo quindi lo stato dell’arte. Con il 2009 viene meno, e defintivamente, l’egemonia che le forze moderate guidate da Guazzaloca hanno esercitato per almeno due tornate elettorali sulla destra. Il numerical cleavage between center-right and center-left (treated as blocks) came under the physiological relationship 40/60. However, even after the experience of the commissioner, the electorate has grown 'opaque' potentially abstainer. In most policy fields have been further fragmented. The right does not seem able to find alternatives to moderate civic-drive model. It has no personality and is good to hire internally wounded, even more than by the defection of Finian, of brawls personalistic. On the other hand Guazzaloca, and what remains of his followers, does not have many alternatives that seek a dialogue on the left, resulting in some way, to take awake a minimum of attention to the virtual civic space collapsed with the moderate-'99. The Democratic Party, by contrast, is seen threatened by the rise of a new 'civic radical', hostile parties (anti-cartel), is intended to redefine the ancient depths of the civic space 'moderate'. Perhaps greater danger (and certainly more realistic) for a possible re-welding to the right side of the 'third', 'civic' or 'moderate'.
In this context, the estimate of 3% (between 6,000 and 9,000 votes, according to the level of abstentions) Guazzaloca attributed to as' added value of an alliance 'center' is not only realistic, but optimistic, perhaps in excess. Few? There are so many? It depends on how you look at things. They all somehow their reasons. And those that highlight thus defined as a purchase could be paid on the 'left' irreducible, with a further enlargement of the 'civic radical' hostile to the Democratic Party. Both for those who appreciate the political and symbolic significance and investment which, however, emphasize that Sl and Rc are not worth (together) more than 3%. The rest I find myself out of the arrogance with which some measure of gauche members have derided the fateful 3 (%).
For myself I understand the concern the leaders of the Democratic Party. Trying to broaden the range of forces that do not recognize themselves in the right. Avoid isolation and a convergence of hostile designs. Quite legitimately Campagnoli has anchored his candidacy in this perspective. Like other other visions (Pasquino wrote about things shared in the Corriere ...). It 'true, however, that the search for alliances may not have happened if consumed in the name of an engagement neurotic betrays insecurity, or a headlong quest for primacy. How to Bologna, after all that has happened, must necessarily act as a hare in a political project that has elsewhere (center and state in the south) its test bench. So you could just sbarellare, creating uncertainty and raising the price in favor of the forces 'marginal'. Guazzaloca fact has been raised a preliminary 'anti-Cevenini' that should have been declared inadmissible from the outset. Not to mention this idea of \u200b\u200b'better government' is a sign that, at least, a huge, however paradoxical, self-esteem. About lidecide the 'best'? Guazzaloca? And out of them who they are: the 'worst'? The evil against the good? The demons against the angels? A Manichaean madness, worthy of a sect of Zoroastrians. With all the repercussions of the case. Not for nothing, left, the opening has been mobilized to Guazzaloca the claims of the other 3%. The
Pd should rather equip the best of his proposal, ideas and people, first gaining the trust of its constituency (which, again according to the numbers, it does not justify any transferor to panic). Dictating the agenda to have it without instruction from the first that shows up. Even for what concerns the radical civic space-the best way to contain the diplomacy does not seem to dialogue (not as good manners do not hurt), because the security of the foundations on which the Democratic Party intends to move. 
Richiamo, per chi lo desideri, l'indirizzo delle mie discusse considerazioni pubblicate sul sito della Dire http://www.dire.it/DIRE-EMILIA-ROMAGNA/sondaggio_a.php?c=33265&m=14&l=it
e sviluppo alcuni chiarimenti.
Riassumo la discussione ferragostana sull’apertura al ‘centro’. Non prima di Clarification.
The estimated contribution of the followers of Guazzaloca a center-left had not expanded as the purpose of sawing anything (as he wrote mischievously Courier). He responded to a purely quantitative kind of personal curiosity. As often happens, of all the comments there is one that has focused on the reliability of numbers and their meaning. Apart from the empirical validity of the survey (on which, obviously, put my hand on fire), it is logically reasonable estimate of 3%? I think so. Just look at the trend and develop some evaluation. The
'99. In '99 (first round) was Guazzaloca 104,571 votes (41.5%). The right-wing candidates, all considered (ie Guazzaloca, Ruocco, Pasquini and Poli), touched the 48% approximately. An extraordinary figure, never touched the city. Even considering the falling rate of turnout. The surveys showed that flow at least 5% of voters were passed to Your Ds Bologna. The reason for the debacle that has left much debating: the inadequacy of the candidate, the infighting within the Ds, repeated errors, the division left, the discontent arose during the tenure Vitali etc. Here should be added to the grounds of a general nature usually neglected, but no less important: the fall of consent, the concerns and disappointments in militant and electoral base of the Olive and the DS, as well as the deaf hostilities against the government emerged D'Alema. Without the shock generated by the Serb-Kosovo war, without the concerns generated by the statements on the eve of the vote by D'Alema for pension reform, without the spirit of revenge prodiani cultivated by the fall of Prodi, with the creation of the donkey, the City would hardly changed hands, well considering all the causes of local character. In summary Guazzaloca won as much as was left to win a set of congiuranti will (and converging from the left, center, from the inside) and operating on several levels (local and national). The Bologna's head was in a sense, the price charged to the ambition of the government of D'Alema and the DS.
2004. In 2004 it suffered a heavy defeat by Cofferati. However, his personal performance and coalitional was not negligible. Regained, in substance, the same absolute ratings of the first round '99 (103,281, 40.7%). Despite a partial return of votes left to the right had a good grip, even considering the current climate of political debate to rule against it (the Berlusconi government had entered into an often long shadow). A portion of the votes that were passed from the left in the middle remained hooked to Guazzaloca (besides the fact they had prodiani mostra di grande entusiasmo all’arrivo di Cofferati, come dimostrato dal fatto che subito s’impegnarono, alleandosi con la sinistra radicale, in un’aspra guerriglia ai suoi danni). Cofferati vinse grazie soprattutto alla sua capacità di coalizzare ai Ds l’elettorato di sinistra scontento. Scontentezza, però, che riprese presto il sopravvento.
Il 2009. Anno nel quale si consuma il destino di Guazzaloca come leader di un più vasto arco di forze. Correndo da solo aggrega solo 28.785 voti, pari al 12,7 %. Perde clamorosamente le ‘primarie’ con Cazzola. Al secondo turno almeno il 60 % dei suoi sostenitori si sposta sul candidato della destra, pure in assenza di indicazioni di voto da parte di Guazzaloca. A sinistra il candidato Delbono mostra scarso appeal, tanto è vero che rimane al di sotto del voto della coalizione e deve andare al ballottaggio. Se il ‘centro’ civico implode ed è in maggior parte riassorbito dalla destra, la sinistra si sfrangia di nuovo. Le liste ‘alternative’ (guidate da Favia, Pasquino, Monteventi, Tedde e Terra) toccano nel complesso quasi l’8 % dei voti. Una cifra destinata ad ampliarsi con la performances di grillini alle regionali del 2010.
Riassumiamo quindi lo stato dell’arte. Con il 2009 viene meno, e defintivamente, l’egemonia che le forze moderate guidate da Guazzaloca hanno esercitato per almeno due tornate elettorali sulla destra. Il numerical cleavage between center-right and center-left (treated as blocks) came under the physiological relationship 40/60. However, even after the experience of the commissioner, the electorate has grown 'opaque' potentially abstainer. In most policy fields have been further fragmented. The right does not seem able to find alternatives to moderate civic-drive model. It has no personality and is good to hire internally wounded, even more than by the defection of Finian, of brawls personalistic. On the other hand Guazzaloca, and what remains of his followers, does not have many alternatives that seek a dialogue on the left, resulting in some way, to take awake a minimum of attention to the virtual civic space collapsed with the moderate-'99. The Democratic Party, by contrast, is seen threatened by the rise of a new 'civic radical', hostile parties (anti-cartel), is intended to redefine the ancient depths of the civic space 'moderate'. Perhaps greater danger (and certainly more realistic) for a possible re-welding to the right side of the 'third', 'civic' or 'moderate'.
In this context, the estimate of 3% (between 6,000 and 9,000 votes, according to the level of abstentions) Guazzaloca attributed to as' added value of an alliance 'center' is not only realistic, but optimistic, perhaps in excess. Few? There are so many? It depends on how you look at things. They all somehow their reasons. And those that highlight thus defined as a purchase could be paid on the 'left' irreducible, with a further enlargement of the 'civic radical' hostile to the Democratic Party. Both for those who appreciate the political and symbolic significance and investment which, however, emphasize that Sl and Rc are not worth (together) more than 3%. The rest I find myself out of the arrogance with which some measure of gauche members have derided the fateful 3 (%).
For myself I understand the concern the leaders of the Democratic Party. Trying to broaden the range of forces that do not recognize themselves in the right. Avoid isolation and a convergence of hostile designs. Quite legitimately Campagnoli has anchored his candidacy in this perspective. Like other other visions (Pasquino wrote about things shared in the Corriere ...). It 'true, however, that the search for alliances may not have happened if consumed in the name of an engagement neurotic betrays insecurity, or a headlong quest for primacy. How to Bologna, after all that has happened, must necessarily act as a hare in a political project that has elsewhere (center and state in the south) its test bench. So you could just sbarellare, creating uncertainty and raising the price in favor of the forces 'marginal'. Guazzaloca fact has been raised a preliminary 'anti-Cevenini' that should have been declared inadmissible from the outset. Not to mention this idea of \u200b\u200b'better government' is a sign that, at least, a huge, however paradoxical, self-esteem. About lidecide the 'best'? Guazzaloca? And out of them who they are: the 'worst'? The evil against the good? The demons against the angels? A Manichaean madness, worthy of a sect of Zoroastrians. With all the repercussions of the case. Not for nothing, left, the opening has been mobilized to Guazzaloca the claims of the other 3%. The
Pd should rather equip the best of his proposal, ideas and people, first gaining the trust of its constituency (which, again according to the numbers, it does not justify any transferor to panic). Dictating the agenda to have it without instruction from the first that shows up. Even for what concerns the radical civic space-the best way to contain the diplomacy does not seem to dialogue (not as good manners do not hurt), because the security of the foundations on which the Democratic Party intends to move.
What Do You Say On A Wedding Card For Your Sister
FINITE HOLIDAY ... Even the construction workers in August
Here the valiant Frederick on August 16 at 8.30 in the unperturbed welcomes us arrival at work. Here never sleeps ...
... not all but almost!
Here the valiant Frederick on August 16 at 8.30 in the unperturbed welcomes us arrival at work. Here never sleeps ... Sunday, August 8, 2010
Widsom Teeth Removal Puss Sore
Dispari inopportunità
here really seem to play to 'even and odd'. Or maybe the dice or the morra Chinese: all that remains (it seems) of the ancient and noble art of tactics. Tenders Noah to Silvia, the maiden casiniana note, the 'Equal Opportunities' regional, with the noble idea of \u200b\u200bexpanding the perimeter to the center of the center-left, seems to be one of the most controversial moves that you might not. Uncertainty which threatens to leave this side of the Rubicon part of the troops. How can we not just those already dispersed ammuntinate, contumacious or deserted. Take a vote (maybe) you lose two (safe). I remain amazed at how the risk-awareness and warning of skilled leaders navigated as Errani and Bonacini. Enlarging the center, auscultation availability! It 's all a confused and shouting excitedly. Steps. For Guazzaloca and Noah. But not for the delicate and sensitive threshold of 'secularism'. Si deve arrivare fino a monsignor Vecchi ? (l'abile furbacchione di Via Altabella che nel 2004, ricordate ?, voleva vendere il voto disgiunto a favore del Guazza come l'undicesimo comandamento...). A titare troppo la coperta verrà fuori un Pd dell'esterno (come i miei pochi lettori troveranno argomentato nel prossimo numero del Mulino) pronto a raccogliere frutti copiosi. E' l'Italia dei Valori, che qui, tra l'altro, ha Grillini in prima fila, e già in assetto di guerra. Eppure avevo già offerto a iosa i numeri del caso in un lodevole seminario post-elettorale convocato al Passepartout da Salvatore Caronna ! L'Idv si gonfia abbeverandosi assai più al fossato della laicità, che all'orrido dell'anti-berlusconismo. L'elettorato IDV, Emilia, is composed mainly of Pd voters (more often ex-Ds) are tired of the many wedges planted, the irresolution of the leaders, by the Catholics 'adult' and 'pidizzati', but always with an attentive ear to the Curia, regarding matters of civil law. This table shows again where we infer the differential traits of electorates near / next to the various parties (polling Champion very soon: three thousand interviews conducted in three months by the recent regional). You see the confessional tone of the UDC and the 'secular' IDV. Therefore understand how the apartment reserved for the Noah's ark of the great regional alliance face UDC throat, but also as the IDV already anticipate yet another savage meal to the detriment of the Democratic Party. Hic sunt leones! 
here really seem to play to 'even and odd'. Or maybe the dice or the morra Chinese: all that remains (it seems) of the ancient and noble art of tactics. Tenders Noah to Silvia, the maiden casiniana note, the 'Equal Opportunities' regional, with the noble idea of \u200b\u200bexpanding the perimeter to the center of the center-left, seems to be one of the most controversial moves that you might not. Uncertainty which threatens to leave this side of the Rubicon part of the troops. How can we not just those already dispersed ammuntinate, contumacious or deserted. Take a vote (maybe) you lose two (safe). I remain amazed at how the risk-awareness and warning of skilled leaders navigated as Errani and Bonacini. Enlarging the center, auscultation availability! It 's all a confused and shouting excitedly. Steps. For Guazzaloca and Noah. But not for the delicate and sensitive threshold of 'secularism'. Si deve arrivare fino a monsignor Vecchi ? (l'abile furbacchione di Via Altabella che nel 2004, ricordate ?, voleva vendere il voto disgiunto a favore del Guazza come l'undicesimo comandamento...). A titare troppo la coperta verrà fuori un Pd dell'esterno (come i miei pochi lettori troveranno argomentato nel prossimo numero del Mulino) pronto a raccogliere frutti copiosi. E' l'Italia dei Valori, che qui, tra l'altro, ha Grillini in prima fila, e già in assetto di guerra. Eppure avevo già offerto a iosa i numeri del caso in un lodevole seminario post-elettorale convocato al Passepartout da Salvatore Caronna ! L'Idv si gonfia abbeverandosi assai più al fossato della laicità, che all'orrido dell'anti-berlusconismo. L'elettorato IDV, Emilia, is composed mainly of Pd voters (more often ex-Ds) are tired of the many wedges planted, the irresolution of the leaders, by the Catholics 'adult' and 'pidizzati', but always with an attentive ear to the Curia, regarding matters of civil law. This table shows again where we infer the differential traits of electorates near / next to the various parties (polling Champion very soon: three thousand interviews conducted in three months by the recent regional). You see the confessional tone of the UDC and the 'secular' IDV. Therefore understand how the apartment reserved for the Noah's ark of the great regional alliance face UDC throat, but also as the IDV already anticipate yet another savage meal to the detriment of the Democratic Party. Hic sunt leones!
Friday, August 6, 2010
How To Fix A Seam On My Leather Couch
Sul terzo polo. Fra Bologna e il Sud. Cevenini e Guazzaloca
Among the sacred principles (of the left of the bipolar etc..) And the prosaic political science (elections to do / not do alliances to do / not do ...) there should be some remnant of analysis.
What is this 'third pole' in the making? Beyond the games side, there are similarities between what they represent (or want to represent) Fini, Casini and Williams (and the various Lombardo, Poli Bortone, Miccichè etc..)? It can take up much space? There are few things that the circulation analysis tend to overlook that and instead, in my opinion, are robust. Now advance the conclusion del ragionamento. Il terzo polo neo-centrista, se c’è o ci sarà, è essenzialmente il “partito del sud”. Questo partito è in incubazione da tempo, almeno dalle europee del ’99. Ed è sorto per reazione all’asse a traino leghista assunto dal governo Berlusconi. I primi sintomi si sono evidenziati in Sicilia, con lo sfaldamento del Pdl regionale. L’ondata astensionista che ha colpito il Pdl nel sud alle europee del ’99 è stata la prima manifestazione di una insofferenza ancora latente, ma profonda. Alle regionali essa si è nuovamente manifestata. In Campania (come nel Lazio) con le lotte intestine al Pdl e con un risultato al di sotto delle aspettative. In Puglia con il ‘lasciapassare’ concesso a Vendola (altro che ‘narrazione’) dall’Udc e dalla Poli Bortone (cioè da un pezzo di An renitente alla leva Pdl). Sono tutti segnali che convergono nel mostrare come sia venuto rapidamente frantumandosi l’investimento fiduciario del Sud appannaggio del Pdl berlusconiamo.
A questo proposito è bene ricordare alcuni dati di struttura (che ho esposto a più riprese in diversi saggi su “Il Mulino”):
Le elezioni, dal ’46 ad oggi, sono state sempre decise dal voto del Sud. E’ nel Sud che i diversi governi (e le forze politiche ad essi associate) hanno tratto le risorse strategiche di consenso. Nel ’48 la Dc sfondò al Nord, ma la paid in '53 with the repudiation of the South 'swindle law'. In the 80's intra-penta-party competition between the PSI and DC was the conquest of the South as a theater More generally, the Democrats held the Republican government 'meridionalizzandosi'. And the League, with the collapse of the sub-culture of white triveneto eventually emerged as a reaction to this state of affairs. One could go on ... but suffice it to recall that the rule is proposed with the second republic. Berlusconi in '94 invented a gimmick to unite the north and south: the dual alliance (the North Pole of Freedom: Fi-League), the south pole of good governance (Fi-An). Vince but then can not govern because the League resents the privileged axis between Fi and An. In the South, however, resources are frozen in the center by voting Pattisti and popularity. The Olive Tree wins in '96, not only for the defection of the Lega Nord, but it wins significant part of the South: Campania in the first place. In 2001 Berlusconi restore the axis with the league, but wins so far. The South, with the exception of Sicily, not follow, because the olive tree remains strong. The entire 2001-2006 term is tainted by the clash between the wings of the coalition: the League on the one hand, An el'Udc other. A sign that there is no balance and amalgamation between the North and South because if the League is the North, the UDC and AN are the North South want hands-free protection and state support for the South. Fi seems to succeed in the South, only interlocutor as the criminal economy (and this explains the case and communication with Sicily Dell'Utri, co-founder of True Fi and PDL). But further than this difficulty. In 2006, the center-left format Union revenge, albeit of limited scale. The difference is still the South, where they move on the three regions 'poised' and undulating: Sardinia and the Abruzzi, Calabria. While holding, albeit with some signs of slowing, Campania (and Lazio). Again, these three regions make a difference in 2008. Back to the right, along with the conquest of Campania, where the flakes' system power 'post-Christian Democrat maintained by Bassolino. The growth of the Northern League is matched by meridionalizzazione of the PDL, thanks to the votes of An.
In the south the movement of votes to take place following the migration of commuters and the political class. That is, mediators 'exchange vote'. So it has always been even if there are episodes of 'popular uprising', with the voters that drive the political class (they were emblematic cases with Orlando of Palermo and Catania with White, but also, albeit small in size, also the case Vendola is an episode of ...). The center-left has 'taken' by the South attraction relevant parts of the political class and their personal following. Incidentally, the choice of Veltroni (with the defenestration of De Mita and the freeze in hospital at Bassolino) favored detachment. The fight with D'Alema - a politician, as he professes, re-naturalizzatosi the south - this is a moment of fracture.
current events, with the split with Fini, show that you have reopened the question of the South The third prong is an attempt to offer a self-aggregation 'center' of the political classes until now oscillating between the left and right . The electorate and the Southern society are tearing the pact that gave birth to the PDL. We no longer hear represented / guarantee. Could refasten to an alliance with the right only if a substantial downsizing of the pivotal power in the league. But this seems very difficult. Not by chance Fini, Casini and Williams have in common a point in the program. Even more than questions of constitutional law is the aversion to federalism in sauce lego-Berlusconi to join us.
But here is the deal of the Democratic Party. If you want to win elections and return to the government to resume the south, but for how things are made can not do that at the price of an alliance with the third prong. In spite of what they think the 'great and pure, bipolar' our own, D'Alema is right. There is no alternative. A self veltroniana reissue of 2008 may do so. Even less of a remake of the Union. What is surprising in the attitude of Bersani (while conceding that the dilemmas are different and the solutions very random) move is the wavering between the League and the third prong. Are not summable, even in a minimal transitional government.
report a further paradox. The leader of the third pole, at least two Fini and Casini, comes from Bologna. They were born in the central north and follow the South Something like that happens to Bersani, which as we know, was overwhelmingly endorsed in the primaries in the South, not in the homeland (Emilia). Strange paradoxes geo-Population.
Già che ci siamo un appunto su Bologna e l’evocata politica di larghe intese civiche. La partita politica, come richiamato, si gioca da Roma in giù. Il centro starà come è, cosiccome il Nord. E’ al sud che passa il cambiamento. Perciò Bologna (e l’Emilia) questa volta non potrà anticipare alcunché. Campagnoli fa bene a richiamare la necessità dell’analisi politica. Ma l’analisi è questa. Inutile ingrandire il discorso. L’allargamento del centro-sinistra è, al massimo, un problema locale. Non anticipa nessuna linea nazionale. A Bologna, come nel nord, il terzo polo si tirerà dietro ben poca gente, mentre al sud potrebbe catalizzare ceto politico e followed elections. The problem is essentially bolognese election than Guazzaloca and do as much of the consensus that natural longing to throw it back. The Civic Party no longer exists. One party after Corticelli Right. The UDC is again itself. At the municipal Guazzaloca took 12%. Now I do not think (surveys in hand) go above 5%. An independent third prong should not be more than 8%. The same amount sold for the local hardcore leftism: new-fangled - Favia - and planting more dated - as in Monteventi, Pasquino, Tedder, Earth etc.. The task of the PD is able to scratch something and left something in the middle. What it can do better if you are on the bar, without stretchers. There remain many friends of tressette top coat. I believe that we have no alternative to join the wagon and their bargaining power is the extent of relevance. Let's see how you put. For now still conclude with an observation. Cevenini seems the most aware of the stage and tactical moves with a grace that few professional politicians get it. Yours sincerely. 
Among the sacred principles (of the left of the bipolar etc..) And the prosaic political science (elections to do / not do alliances to do / not do ...) there should be some remnant of analysis.
What is this 'third pole' in the making? Beyond the games side, there are similarities between what they represent (or want to represent) Fini, Casini and Williams (and the various Lombardo, Poli Bortone, Miccichè etc..)? It can take up much space? There are few things that the circulation analysis tend to overlook that and instead, in my opinion, are robust. Now advance the conclusion del ragionamento. Il terzo polo neo-centrista, se c’è o ci sarà, è essenzialmente il “partito del sud”. Questo partito è in incubazione da tempo, almeno dalle europee del ’99. Ed è sorto per reazione all’asse a traino leghista assunto dal governo Berlusconi. I primi sintomi si sono evidenziati in Sicilia, con lo sfaldamento del Pdl regionale. L’ondata astensionista che ha colpito il Pdl nel sud alle europee del ’99 è stata la prima manifestazione di una insofferenza ancora latente, ma profonda. Alle regionali essa si è nuovamente manifestata. In Campania (come nel Lazio) con le lotte intestine al Pdl e con un risultato al di sotto delle aspettative. In Puglia con il ‘lasciapassare’ concesso a Vendola (altro che ‘narrazione’) dall’Udc e dalla Poli Bortone (cioè da un pezzo di An renitente alla leva Pdl). Sono tutti segnali che convergono nel mostrare come sia venuto rapidamente frantumandosi l’investimento fiduciario del Sud appannaggio del Pdl berlusconiamo.
A questo proposito è bene ricordare alcuni dati di struttura (che ho esposto a più riprese in diversi saggi su “Il Mulino”):
Le elezioni, dal ’46 ad oggi, sono state sempre decise dal voto del Sud. E’ nel Sud che i diversi governi (e le forze politiche ad essi associate) hanno tratto le risorse strategiche di consenso. Nel ’48 la Dc sfondò al Nord, ma la paid in '53 with the repudiation of the South 'swindle law'. In the 80's intra-penta-party competition between the PSI and DC was the conquest of the South as a theater More generally, the Democrats held the Republican government 'meridionalizzandosi'. And the League, with the collapse of the sub-culture of white triveneto eventually emerged as a reaction to this state of affairs. One could go on ... but suffice it to recall that the rule is proposed with the second republic. Berlusconi in '94 invented a gimmick to unite the north and south: the dual alliance (the North Pole of Freedom: Fi-League), the south pole of good governance (Fi-An). Vince but then can not govern because the League resents the privileged axis between Fi and An. In the South, however, resources are frozen in the center by voting Pattisti and popularity. The Olive Tree wins in '96, not only for the defection of the Lega Nord, but it wins significant part of the South: Campania in the first place. In 2001 Berlusconi restore the axis with the league, but wins so far. The South, with the exception of Sicily, not follow, because the olive tree remains strong. The entire 2001-2006 term is tainted by the clash between the wings of the coalition: the League on the one hand, An el'Udc other. A sign that there is no balance and amalgamation between the North and South because if the League is the North, the UDC and AN are the North South want hands-free protection and state support for the South. Fi seems to succeed in the South, only interlocutor as the criminal economy (and this explains the case and communication with Sicily Dell'Utri, co-founder of True Fi and PDL). But further than this difficulty. In 2006, the center-left format Union revenge, albeit of limited scale. The difference is still the South, where they move on the three regions 'poised' and undulating: Sardinia and the Abruzzi, Calabria. While holding, albeit with some signs of slowing, Campania (and Lazio). Again, these three regions make a difference in 2008. Back to the right, along with the conquest of Campania, where the flakes' system power 'post-Christian Democrat maintained by Bassolino. The growth of the Northern League is matched by meridionalizzazione of the PDL, thanks to the votes of An.
In the south the movement of votes to take place following the migration of commuters and the political class. That is, mediators 'exchange vote'. So it has always been even if there are episodes of 'popular uprising', with the voters that drive the political class (they were emblematic cases with Orlando of Palermo and Catania with White, but also, albeit small in size, also the case Vendola is an episode of ...). The center-left has 'taken' by the South attraction relevant parts of the political class and their personal following. Incidentally, the choice of Veltroni (with the defenestration of De Mita and the freeze in hospital at Bassolino) favored detachment. The fight with D'Alema - a politician, as he professes, re-naturalizzatosi the south - this is a moment of fracture.
current events, with the split with Fini, show that you have reopened the question of the South The third prong is an attempt to offer a self-aggregation 'center' of the political classes until now oscillating between the left and right . The electorate and the Southern society are tearing the pact that gave birth to the PDL. We no longer hear represented / guarantee. Could refasten to an alliance with the right only if a substantial downsizing of the pivotal power in the league. But this seems very difficult. Not by chance Fini, Casini and Williams have in common a point in the program. Even more than questions of constitutional law is the aversion to federalism in sauce lego-Berlusconi to join us.
But here is the deal of the Democratic Party. If you want to win elections and return to the government to resume the south, but for how things are made can not do that at the price of an alliance with the third prong. In spite of what they think the 'great and pure, bipolar' our own, D'Alema is right. There is no alternative. A self veltroniana reissue of 2008 may do so. Even less of a remake of the Union. What is surprising in the attitude of Bersani (while conceding that the dilemmas are different and the solutions very random) move is the wavering between the League and the third prong. Are not summable, even in a minimal transitional government.
report a further paradox. The leader of the third pole, at least two Fini and Casini, comes from Bologna. They were born in the central north and follow the South Something like that happens to Bersani, which as we know, was overwhelmingly endorsed in the primaries in the South, not in the homeland (Emilia). Strange paradoxes geo-Population.
Già che ci siamo un appunto su Bologna e l’evocata politica di larghe intese civiche. La partita politica, come richiamato, si gioca da Roma in giù. Il centro starà come è, cosiccome il Nord. E’ al sud che passa il cambiamento. Perciò Bologna (e l’Emilia) questa volta non potrà anticipare alcunché. Campagnoli fa bene a richiamare la necessità dell’analisi politica. Ma l’analisi è questa. Inutile ingrandire il discorso. L’allargamento del centro-sinistra è, al massimo, un problema locale. Non anticipa nessuna linea nazionale. A Bologna, come nel nord, il terzo polo si tirerà dietro ben poca gente, mentre al sud potrebbe catalizzare ceto politico e followed elections. The problem is essentially bolognese election than Guazzaloca and do as much of the consensus that natural longing to throw it back. The Civic Party no longer exists. One party after Corticelli Right. The UDC is again itself. At the municipal Guazzaloca took 12%. Now I do not think (surveys in hand) go above 5%. An independent third prong should not be more than 8%. The same amount sold for the local hardcore leftism: new-fangled - Favia - and planting more dated - as in Monteventi, Pasquino, Tedder, Earth etc.. The task of the PD is able to scratch something and left something in the middle. What it can do better if you are on the bar, without stretchers. There remain many friends of tressette top coat. I believe that we have no alternative to join the wagon and their bargaining power is the extent of relevance. Let's see how you put. For now still conclude with an observation. Cevenini seems the most aware of the stage and tactical moves with a grace that few professional politicians get it. Yours sincerely.
Thursday, August 5, 2010
Desmume Pokemom Roms That Dont Freeze
Sul fenomeno Cevenini. Il sondaagio integrale de L'Espresso
After long and painful absence resume writing on the site. All the more so if they feel that too with very little foundation. So again I say mine. Here, Quarantine, long-term care department.
After the dialogue and the many comments Errani-Donini, again, the 'objective truths' Poll I have done for the Express, 6 July. Here in full and comprehensive format. Since I have heard that some people do not believe the survey, I feel that I can 'assess with a certain coldness when' we take '. This is one of those cases. The survey takes, it is well balanced and weighted, and is internally consistent. It has also been conducted without preconceived. I offer to read without adding much to what I wrote in "The Sleeping Beauty." Just add some clarification. On Cevenini, the premise that they are not 'Cevenini', but a careful observer of Cevenini.
1. The success of Cevenini. It 's real. Far from being random. I watched the answers to a survey that I conducted with similar method (free of signs of candidates) in 2002, half of the mandate Guzzaloca. Then circulated to the left of the demand for Briscolone. Bersani Well, as mentioned, was not more than 5%! So of the nearly 8 Cevenini, weighs and how! E 'note that is well penetrated Cevenini nell'elettorato traditional folk of the PD, but also - more importantly - nell'elettorato' opaque ', which is out of politics. An electorate that moves according to the famous 'spiral of silence', or the result of the dominant images. Cevenini managed to get where, normally, only the most powerful media can penetrate. This way, thanks to its 'face to face'. The capital that has accumulated with great dedication over these fifteen years.
2. The employment of Cevenini. E 'obliged, even if it moves with shrewd caution. The game "to the mayor" has entered the irreversible reality. We should withdraw to deal with his supporters, armed with a pitchfork. Why Cevenini is not only a skillful politician capable of accumulating consensus and sympathy. It 'also, in turn, a product of the people. Released from the kitchens of celebrations of the Unity, in bars, sports clubs and clubs of supporters cheering attributable to old-style (left). A people who has always voted what was shown. Swallowing bitter pill. And now it is tired of the commissariat. He wants to decide. He his candidate (Cevenini), and others do not vote. Today the power of blackmail, or rather of annoyance, it has moved from the 'center', where the first tree in the hands of these people. The 'hard core' does not follow. He wants to be followed. At this stage of things it is impossible to neutralize Cevenini.
3. The pattern of play. E 'became clear. On the one hand the policy to be 'big operation' (single quotes): Meeting in the center of governments 'best', convergences, and corporate gatherings of the political class, and rhetorical evocations pan-design galore. The so-called authorities 'strong' (rather 'soft'). On the other Cevnini populism. You do not want to talk about the analysis, nor take part. Only known that this scheme, especially as it manifests itself in various opinion leaders, as Campagnoli, Guazzaloca and other commentators, encourages Cevenini. In a situational, as emphasized in the survey, 'collapse' of the credit policy for the CEV is expected to grow. On the one hand steering, increasingly baroque and complicated, the other simplicity which is a direct order. Mediation to the authenticity. The heavy against the light. The mediated against immediate. The intrigue against transparency. Cevenini Why is a 'militant' party faithful, but is not involved in any struggle, or consortium of power coterie. E 'basic in a complicated world summit. So all
conspiracy, now the prerogative of Cevenini. Systemic economic and political dynamics, as well as psychological ones. To see the first battles on the local pages, also is emerging a further phone quaificazione. Perhaps, above all, Cevenini is the true professional. 
After long and painful absence resume writing on the site. All the more so if they feel that too with very little foundation. So again I say mine. Here, Quarantine, long-term care department.
After the dialogue and the many comments Errani-Donini, again, the 'objective truths' Poll I have done for the Express, 6 July. Here in full and comprehensive format. Since I have heard that some people do not believe the survey, I feel that I can 'assess with a certain coldness when' we take '. This is one of those cases. The survey takes, it is well balanced and weighted, and is internally consistent. It has also been conducted without preconceived. I offer to read without adding much to what I wrote in "The Sleeping Beauty." Just add some clarification. On Cevenini, the premise that they are not 'Cevenini', but a careful observer of Cevenini.
1. The success of Cevenini. It 's real. Far from being random. I watched the answers to a survey that I conducted with similar method (free of signs of candidates) in 2002, half of the mandate Guzzaloca. Then circulated to the left of the demand for Briscolone. Bersani Well, as mentioned, was not more than 5%! So of the nearly 8 Cevenini, weighs and how! E 'note that is well penetrated Cevenini nell'elettorato traditional folk of the PD, but also - more importantly - nell'elettorato' opaque ', which is out of politics. An electorate that moves according to the famous 'spiral of silence', or the result of the dominant images. Cevenini managed to get where, normally, only the most powerful media can penetrate. This way, thanks to its 'face to face'. The capital that has accumulated with great dedication over these fifteen years.
2. The employment of Cevenini. E 'obliged, even if it moves with shrewd caution. The game "to the mayor" has entered the irreversible reality. We should withdraw to deal with his supporters, armed with a pitchfork. Why Cevenini is not only a skillful politician capable of accumulating consensus and sympathy. It 'also, in turn, a product of the people. Released from the kitchens of celebrations of the Unity, in bars, sports clubs and clubs of supporters cheering attributable to old-style (left). A people who has always voted what was shown. Swallowing bitter pill. And now it is tired of the commissariat. He wants to decide. He his candidate (Cevenini), and others do not vote. Today the power of blackmail, or rather of annoyance, it has moved from the 'center', where the first tree in the hands of these people. The 'hard core' does not follow. He wants to be followed. At this stage of things it is impossible to neutralize Cevenini.
3. The pattern of play. E 'became clear. On the one hand the policy to be 'big operation' (single quotes): Meeting in the center of governments 'best', convergences, and corporate gatherings of the political class, and rhetorical evocations pan-design galore. The so-called authorities 'strong' (rather 'soft'). On the other Cevnini populism. You do not want to talk about the analysis, nor take part. Only known that this scheme, especially as it manifests itself in various opinion leaders, as Campagnoli, Guazzaloca and other commentators, encourages Cevenini. In a situational, as emphasized in the survey, 'collapse' of the credit policy for the CEV is expected to grow. On the one hand steering, increasingly baroque and complicated, the other simplicity which is a direct order. Mediation to the authenticity. The heavy against the light. The mediated against immediate. The intrigue against transparency. Cevenini Why is a 'militant' party faithful, but is not involved in any struggle, or consortium of power coterie. E 'basic in a complicated world summit. So all
conspiracy, now the prerogative of Cevenini. Systemic economic and political dynamics, as well as psychological ones. To see the first battles on the local pages, also is emerging a further phone quaificazione. Perhaps, above all, Cevenini is the true professional.
Monday, August 2, 2010
Red Italtian Fabric Tableclothes
not stop us from heat, mosquitoes, the idea that they are all on vacation but us ...
also the return of the President has put all that attention ... here it is check that everything is as it should be ...
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