Friday, August 27, 2010

Belly Button Line Laser

Pd e Coop, cosa c’è dietro le baruffe d’agosto

There is a lightness imponderable in this scuffle Bologna who opposes the Democratic Party to the Coop. Pressed individuals were at work as a undeciphered claustrophobia and for this endeavor in every way to leave the place that unites them. The object of the dispute is unclear. You can see the Coop that flaunt desertion (uniquely) by a known party, claimed in the name of autonomy, however, that it is not clear by whom and where it is threatened. It's rumored that the immediate cause of so much loud despite having to do with the lack of respect reserved for the Democratic Party to Sita: a prestigious chief co-operative that would see retired well as mayoral candidate. It 'easy to see that if things were really so we would be facing not an injured party's autonomy, but to a claim of co-op in a direct way to influence policy. A reversal of roles literally sensational. In the past, the golden era of the insulted 'transmission belt', was in fact the party that appointed the directors of the Coop, but rather the coop here would want to appoint the Mayor. Party (PD) weak, strong Coop. Better: 'arrogant', exceeding the physiological and social economic power of lobbying.

only fault of this unprecedented hubris of the coop, then? Perhaps the story is a little more complex, and here we would like to give some light, citing data and contexts to which litigants seem to forget negligently. Look at these two figures, taken from a ponderosa survey research (7,000 interviews) conducted in 2008 by Medec on political participation in the districts of Bologna.

The first figure shows the organizations that have chosen to indicate how, in the course of the year for their participation. The card 'member cooperatives', unlike any credit card, gives a sense of belonging and identity. You notice it the absolute primacy of consumer cooperatives (23%), and to follow the deep roots of the trade unions (13.6%), as part of a holding with large forms and articulated, that overall, involving almost half of citizens.

Figure No.1: Members or participants (in the year, in%) associations. Multiple answers were possible. Source: Medec 2008. (Click image for enlarged view) The second figure

measure trust (measured in votes) devoted to different subjects: economic, social, moral and institutional. Here we see the absolute primacy of the consumer cooperatives. As many as 73 people to 100 (with only 16 in an adverse position, or rejection) give the coop a vote of promoting, among other things with a huge significance of the high grades (7 to 10). Below are the multi-utility services (Hera, ATC, etc..) With 65.6% of promotions, and immediately behind the small imprese con il 62,3. A stretto tallonamento il comune di Bologna si classifica buon quarto con il 60,2 delle promozioni. A seguire il resto. Questa graduatoria conferma la peculiarità storica della società bolognese, centrata su un triangolo fiduciario assai forte (e stando ai dati per nulla scalfito): le coop (ovvero l’economia sociale), le piccole imprese (cioè il protagonismo imprenditoriale diffuso), le istituzioni locali (Comune e multiutility) a rappresentare il Welfare locale e la politica.



Figura n.2: Voti tributati ad alcuni soggetti economico-sociali, morali e istituzionali (voti da 1 a 10, in % sul complesso degli intervistati. Fonte MeDeC 2008). (cliccare sull'immagine per visionarla ingrandita)

These figures tell us what has supported the participation and membership is recognized by the people as the 'Emilian model' and, within it the leading role assigned to co-ops (especially those worn down vehicle real-world image cooperative). In a historic moment, as is known, and in a country (Italy), in which many bonds tend to trust berserk!

But what supports this 'model' integrating the different parts? Considering all the possible variables of influence, we find that there is one able to explain by itself the entire system of relations. And 'the autocollocazione policy to the left of the respondents, namely the 'political culture' filed in a particular area, however broad, of the population. The following box provides a stylization of these empirical determinations. There is a strong interaction between the participation in associations and trust in the institutions of the 'Emilian model'. Trust in institutions is also interlinked with the 'trust in others', ie the opening of solidarity towards others. But it is being left to the trust that supports both participation, integrating the various parts of the model. Perhaps the party, the coop (so-called 'red in particular), but also the trade unions (CGIL, in first of all) have forgotten. But in the perception of people trample the same ground. There are anchored by the 'political culture' that still dwells in the population. From there, the PD takes most of his votes, and the prestige enjoyed by coop (along with an extensive clientele that participant). It is doubtful if the permanent abandonment of ancestral land in search of intriguing new clientele will bring luck, is the Democratic Party than to the coop. It 's true that there are other worlds (and forms of participation) which can not be neglected, although they are often a critical relationship with the' historical model '. Just as it is true that there is also the right people who do not despise the coop. But that company would be crazy to earn a share of marginal customers neo-ruining (or leads to disaffection) a much larger crowd that is identified with the brand.

Figure # 3: The "Emilia model". (Click image for enlarged view)

Yet hainoi!, This unfortunate inclination seems widespread. The Democratic Party was born in 'the realm of politics', abstracting programmatically by social actors in which were historically innervated the leftist forces. Or, which is the same thing, putting all the social worlds in the same subject equidistance. He renounced that to define their own contacts and renewed methods the social roots. A party totus politicus. And the results are good! The Coop, as is their responsibility (for a thorough review by ad hoc) have moved in exactly the mirror. In the name of 'autonomy' proclaimed at every turn are also slowly (but also with some jumps) in a dimension in which all parties are placed at similar spacing. As the party is inclined to ignore their social contacts, so the coop behave with respect to 'political reference'. Sure we need new ways of relating, not being able to resurrect the old. But the relationship! Not strangeness. That is updated forms of 'community' as people want and in his naive generosity, still imagines it to be. Without which the common ground is sfarinerà, and stakeholders will remain hanging on nothing, each lost in his own benefit. Ungrounded from the old world, and unable to define the new. Barney in the beginning are the symptom of a neurosis. That is an unsolved problem. Which has the same center, even if everyone looks at him on his side. If this ridiculous and futile controversy Agostani become an excuse to open up minds freed by the heat and confusion of this debate, then it will come something unexpectedly useful. The PD should invite the co-op at the Festival, and the Coop should participate in mass (the red but also white). Ma per parlare esattamente di questo. Di fronte alla generosa giuria del ‘popolo della festa’. A seguire: i sindacati (con la Cgil in testa), l’arci, le bocciofile, i bar, le società sportive…. Il popolo che avanza, dall’ingresso di Via Stalingrado, come nel celeberrimo Pellizza da Volpedo.

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