Tempo fa usai una metafora per la nostra amata città: Bolokistan. Bastava guardare la campagna elettorale, con tutti quegli energumeni, per capire la mutazione di fase occorsa con il lancio sponge into the ring of Edward. The thing - the change - however, starts much further. When Mayor Vitali is portrayed by a tabloid, the Express I think, in costume near a swimming pool. He agrees. Pose, just to show the human side. Little episode, and Vitali, moreover, was (and is) a director slap, big and honest worker. But right now monster 'to suffer the accusation that he was charged: low political charisma, that lack of fisique du role (hence, perhaps, that he chose reportage ...). A sign of the times. With the new electoral law will start the so-called '93 'personalization of politics'. The individual conta per quello che è e che trapela dalla sua vita privata, dunque per come appare, non per il ruolo che è chiamato a rappresentare. Fino a quel momento, sia pure assai sfibrato, vigeva il weberiano ‘carisma d’ufficio’, che è una derivazione dell’organizzazione burocratica, e prima di essa ecclesiale-tridentina: l’uomo è messo in risalto dalla carica. Il valore è nel ruolo. L’individuo può metterci un poco di personale valore aggiunto, non sostituirsi ad esso. Appena esce dai ranghi, subito è sottoposto a censura. Si noti che il carisma d’ufficio rispondeva ad una grande, e cristiana, intuizione. Dando valore al ruolo lo si preservava da possibili cadute dovute all’inadeguatezza umana dell’officiante. La messa non era men valida se il prete che la celebrava era un peccatore con svariate concubine. Vita privata e vita pubblica erano così poste su piani nettamente separati. La vita privata restava se non segreta segregata, anche quando correva sulla bocca di tutti. Bisogna dire che lo sfibramento del modello era cominciato con il passaggio alla post-modernità, cioè dalla fine dei ’70. Prima le femministe, poi svariati movimenti radico-democratici, post-materialisti, appunto, cominciano a dire in giro che il ‘privato è politico’. Il senso di questa intrusione nella sfera intima era tuttavia ascrivibile a due nobili intenti: disvelare la rilevanza dei rapporti di potere autoritari nella ruolizzazione ‘privata’ (Such as gender, intergenerational, etc..), And bring to light the liberation of subjectivity. Well after Marx (and Weber) was the rediscovery of Freud. Gestalt, with the importance attributed to the phenomenal dynamic and intuitive, as opposed to structuralism. Different stuff, in short, what would happen later in the theater of politics. But the slogan still left a sign for a great fortune. The personal is political. So immediate, even more than one, prosaic translation: from 'politics is personal' (vision of the conflict as a feud, and an inordinate selfishness in general) to the role bestowed the 'personality', and behaviors individuals, as having public importance in providing assurance about the absence of 'personal interests' (from whence the famous question: "Would you buy a car from this man?"). In this movement, which brings in close connection the two terms, note, is not that they are based up to identify themselves. The personalization of politics has its essence in the fact that the movement goes from the personal dimension to the political, charged with meaning. Herein lies the essence of the matter. Even in the past, the 'personal was political', but the direction of the movement was reversed. Meanwhile the role he would shielded from the private, goes so far to be determined. This is typical of all organizations that aspire to control the life of the individual (s sommamnte the drive). China has made use of castrati (eunuchs) in order to protect the function of the bureaucratic nepotism, and you can not imagine a more cruel intrusion into the role 'attributes' most intimate of a person. The Ottomans made use of the Janissaries, a chivalrous body whose members were abducted children and forced the Christians to the obligation of celibacy. Even now the police impose a minimum age for marriage to their soldiers in order to secure the immediate territorial transfer. The Church castrates his clergy by imposing the ban on marriage and sexual activity. So that he can devote himself entirely to the mission (soldier of Christ). During the Counter-Reformation, the Baroque era in full, you tap a regulative refined perfectionism. Meanwhile we produce manuals for confessors to optimize / encode control of instinctual life of the believers up to the last detail, grows a wide manuals on CD. 'Honest dissimulation' (from the eponymous title and unparalleled brochure Torquato Agree). If the rule is really to be conserved, bans are not enough, it suffuses under a veil of flexibility and compromise. This is also a way in which public relations in trying to keep control, allowing adequate degree of autonomy, the human tendency to impulsive breaking the bans. The Democrats were our own from this school sophistication. Sinners in some way restrain from morality. Moralists of sin by a wide margin. And it will be the laity and not at all hypocritical socialists - not coincidentally - to enter the excess. Damaged. Even the Communist Party, as the Church, he used techniques of intrusion into the private sphere. As soon as one or more 'official' manifestly excessive passion, as soon as a complaint, or a more appropriate transfer, served to quell the boiling. The organization could not tolerate the excesses of passion or way of life blatantly singular. At the most he could give Togliatti but only to him, to lie with his beloved Iotti in the dark attic of shops. That says a lot about how 'bigot' was the party.
So ends the charisma of office and opens the season of charisma (supposedly) staff, in reality 'personalistic'. With the result, at the local level, that political life undergoes a compression provincialistica hyperbolic, with peaks even pecorecce. The Bartolini, among everything else, is also discussed trumpet for a string of pearls that peep out from the poster, while rough around the unfounded rumors are put (a young woman, married without children and is not an easy morsel of evil speech). Guazzaloca ottiene una grande fortuna per via di certe labbra carnose (da macellaio) messe in risalto dalle gigantografie elettorali. Cofferati si trova compromesso il mandato per via della rottura con l’anziana consorte. Lui, il politico di stazza/razza nazionale, ne viene a tal punto condizionato da indurlo a fare di necessità virtù, sino all’ostensione del figlio Edoardo come causa di non ricandidatura. Inversione singolare, perché in tal caso il privato è evocato come superiore al politico, ma a guardar bene del tutto interna alla nuova scenografia senza veli. Alla fine Delbono è travolto da veniali leggerezze amministrative per quanto giudiziariamente trruculente, ma sotto uno scatenamento morboso di elementi privati/personali. Subisce the revenge of the ex-girlfriend, which shows he knew the Achilles heel of the male: her social respectability. Blatantly breaks the cord's protective role, you bang on the right (rather than to the left) to show Delbono naked, helpless, Ostende many 'dirty' is possible. No wonder that Ritanna Armenians, who comes from the first hour that 'the private is political' puts the question of the seven guns: "It 's perhaps the Cracchi heroin that opposed the antiquated and hypocritical men's machismo Left? Among those who did not want to die and who did not want to die Democrat communist / socialist, has finally advanced a ‘terza via’: morire dal ridere. C’è qualche via d’uscita per la sinistra per non morire sotto la combinata convergenza di un insostenibile peso morale e della umana leggerezza dell’essere ? Possiamo uscire da questa piega, dove il dramma inclina alla farsa, e viceversa ? Nell’attesa di dissipare il dubbio, abbiamo ancora da scrivere, e molto.
Per adesso - volendosi ergere a dispensatori aforismatici - potremmo dire che "l'arma dell'etica è destinata a far soccombere chi la usa". Infatti che efficacia potrebbe avere verso chi ne è privo ? Come potrebbe avere efficacia l'argomentazione razionale nei confronti of a madman or a fool? The violence is not against Hitler or Stalin? The guilt of the private interest if you have one? Ethics is only - and with what pain! -As a principle of self-regulation, and in politics, self-destruction. "Rope to hang themselves as the tormented souls willingly .....
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